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Vannius |
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Traduit de
l'anglais-Vannius était le roi de la tribu germanique Quadi. Selon Les
Annales de Tacite, Vannius est arrivé au pouvoir après la défaite du roi
Marcomannic Catualda par le roi Hermunduri de Vibilius, établissant le
royaume de Vannius. C'était la première unité politique dans la région qui
est maintenant la Slovaquie. Wikipédia (anglais) |
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Vannius (flourished
in 1st century AD) was the king of the Germanic tribe Quadi. |
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According
to The Annals of Tacitus, Vannius came to power
following the defeat of the Marcomannic king Catualda by the Hermunduri king of Vibilius, establishing the kingdom of Vannius (regnum Vannianum).[1] It was the
first political unit in the area that is now Slovakia. Vannius was a client king of the Roman Empire and ruled from 20
AD to 50 AD. Tacitus writes that he was "renowned and popular with his
countrymen," but after a long reign, he "became a tyrant, and the
enmity of neighbours, joined to intestine strife, was his ruin." Joined
by Vangio and Sido,
sons of a sister of Vannius, Vibilius of the Hermunduri again led the
deposition. Emperor Claudius, decided to stay out of the conflict, fearing that the Lugii and other Germanic tribes
would be attracted by the "opulent realm which Vannius had enriched
during thirty years of plunder and tribute."[2] |
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Vannius
was easily defeated by the Lugii and the Hermunduri, although he won some
credit through being wounded in battle. Vannius managed to flee to his fleet
on the Danube, and was
awarded lands in Pannonia by Claudius. His realm was subsequently divided between
his nephews Vangio and Sido. Tacitus writes that Vangio and Sido were
"admirably loyal" to the Romans, but among their subjects, by whom
they were "much loved" while seeking to acquire power, they became
"yet more hated when they acquired it."[3] |
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vibilius,
établissant le royaume de Vannius (regnum Vannianum). [1] C'était la première
unité politique dans la région qui est maintenant la Slovaquie. Vannius était
un client roi de l'Empire romain et a régné de 20 à 50 après JC. Tacitus
écrit qu'il était «renommé et populaire auprès de ses compatriotes», mais
après un long règne, il «devint un tyran, et l'inimitié des voisins, jointe
aux conflits intestinaux, fut sa ruine». Rejoint par Vangio et Sido, fils
d'une sœur de Vannius, Vibilius de l'Hermunduri dirigea à nouveau la
déposition. L'empereur Claudius, a décidé de rester en dehors du conflit,
craignant que les Lugii et d'autres tribus germaniques ne soient attirés par
le "royaume opulent que Vannius avait enrichi pendant trente ans de
pillage et d'hommage." [2] Vannius a été facilement vaincu par les Lugii
et les Hermunduri, bien qu'il ait gagné un certain crédit en étant blessé au
combat. Vannius réussit à fuir vers sa flotte sur le Danube et reçut des
terres en Pannonie par Claudius. Son royaume a ensuite été divisé entre ses
neveux Vangio et Sido. Tacitus écrit que Vangio et Sido étaient
"admirablement fidèles" aux Romains, mais parmi leurs sujets, par
qui ils étaient "beaucoup aimés" tout en cherchant à acquérir le
pouvoir, ils devinrent "encore plus détestés quand ils
l'acquirent." [3] |
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Translation based on Alfred John Church and
William Jackson Brodribb (1876) |
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In the consulship
of Sisenna Statilius Taurus and Lucius Libo there was a commotion in the
kingdoms and Roman provinces of the East. It had its origin among the
Parthians, who disdained as a foreigner a king whom they had sought and
received from Rome, though he was of the family of the Arsacids. This was
Vonones, who had been given as an hostage to Augustus by Phraates. For
although he had driven before him armies and generals from Rome, Phraates had
shown to Augustus every token of reverence and had sent him some of his
children, to cement the friendship, not so much from dread of us as from
distrust of the loyalty of his countrymen. |
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2[edit] |
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After the death of Phraates and the
succeeding kings in the bloodshed of civil wars, there came to Rome envoys
from the chief men of Parthia, in quest of Vonones, his eldest son. Caesar
thought this a great honour to himself, and loaded Vonones with wealth. The
barbarians, too, welcomed him with rejoicing, as is usual with new rulers.
Soon they felt shame at Parthians having become degenerate, at their having
sought a king from another world, one too infected with the training of the
enemy, at the throne of the Arsacids now being possessed and given away among
the provinces of Rome. "Where," they asked, "was the glory of
the men who slew Crassus, who drove out Antonius, if Caesar's drudge, after
an endurance of so many years' slavery, were to rule over Parthians."
Vonones himself too further provoked their disdain, by his contrast with
their ancestral manners, by his rare indulgence in the chase, by his feeble
interest in horses, by the litter in which he was carried whenever he made a
progress through their cities, and by his contemptuous dislike of their
national festivities. They also ridiculed his Greek attendants and his
keeping under seal the commonest household articles. But he was easy of
approach; his courtesy was open to all, and he had thus virtues with which
the Parthians were unfamiliar, and vices new to them. And as his ways were
quite alien from theirs they hated alike what was bad and what was good in
him. |
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3[edit] |
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Accordingly they summoned Artabanus, an
Arsacid by blood, who had grown to manhood among the Dahae, and who, though
routed in the first encounter, rallied his forces and possessed himself of
the kingdom. The conquered Vonones found a refuge in Armenia, then a free
country, and exposed to the power of Parthia and Rome, without being trusted
by either, in consequence of the crime of Antonius, who, under the guise of
friendship, had inveigled Artavasdes, king of the Armenians, then loaded him
with chains, and finally murdered him. His son, Artaxias, our bitter foe
because of his father's memory, found defence for himself and his kingdom in
the might of the Arsacids. When he was slain by the treachery of kinsmen,
Caesar gave Tigranes to the Armenians, and he was put in possession of the
kingdom under the escort of Tiberius Nero. But neither Tigranes nor his
children reigned long, though, in foreign fashion, they were united in
marriage and in royal power. |
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4[edit] |
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Next, at the bidding of Augustus, Artavasdes
was set on the throne, nor was he deposed without disaster to ourselves.
Caius Caesar was then appointed to restore order in Armenia. He put over the
Armenians Ariobarzanes, a Mede by birth, whom they willingly accepted,
because of his singularly handsome person and noble spirit. On the death of
Ariobarzanes through a fatal accident, they would not endure his son. Having
tried the government of a woman named Erato and having soon afterwards driven
her from them, bewildered and disorganised, rather indeed without a ruler
than enjoying freedom, they received for their king the fugitive Vonones.
When, however, Artabanus began to threaten, and but feeble support could be
given by the Armenians, or war with Parthia would have to be undertaken, if
Vonones was to be upheld by our arms, the governor of Syria, Creticus
Silanus, sent for him and kept him under surveillance, letting him retain his
royal pomp and title. How Vonones meditated an escape from this mockery, I
will relate in the proper place. |
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5[edit] |
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Meanwhile the commotion in the East was
rather pleasing to Tiberius, as it was a pretext for withdrawing Germanicus
from the legions which knew him well, and placing him over new provinces
where he would be exposed both to treachery and to disasters. Germanicus,
however, in proportion to the strength of the soldiers' attachment and to his
uncle's dislike, was eager to hasten his victory, and he pondered on plans of
battle, and on the reverses or successes which during more than three years
of war had fallen to his lot. The Germans, he knew, were beaten in the field
and on fair ground; they were helped by woods, swamps, short summers, and
early winters. His own troops were affected not so much by wounds as by long
marches and damage to their arms. Gaul had been exhausted by supplying
horses; a long baggage-train presented facilities for ambuscades, and was
embarrassing to its defenders. But by embarking on the sea, invasion would be
easy for them, and a surprise to the enemy, while a campaign too would be
more quickly begun, the legions and supplies would be brought up
simultaneously, and the cavalry with their horses would arrive, in good
condition, by the rivermouths and channels, at the heart of Germany. |
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6[edit] |
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To this accordingly he gave his mind, and
sent Publius Vitellius and Caius Antius to collect the taxes of Gaul. Silius,
Anteius, and Caecina had the charge of building a fleet. It seemed that a
thousand vessels were required, and they were speedily constructed, some of
small draught with a narrow stem and stern and a broad centre, that they
might bear the waves more easily; some flat-bottomed, that they might ground
without being injured; several, furnished with a rudder at each end, so that
by a sudden shifting of the oars they might be run into shore either way.
Many were covered in with decks, on which engines for missiles might be
conveyed, and were also fit for the carrying of horses or supplies, and being
equipped with sails as well as rapidly moved by oars, they assumed, through
the enthusiasm of our soldiers, an imposing and formidable aspect. The island
of the Batavi was the appointed rendezvous, because of its easy
landing-places, and its convenience for receiving the army and carrying the war
across the river. For the Rhine after flowing continuously in a single
channel or encircling merely insignificant islands, divides itself, so to
say, where the Batavian territory begins, into two rivers, retaining its name
and the rapidity of its course in the stream which washes Germany, till it
mingles with the ocean. On the Gallic bank, its flow is broader and gentler;
it is called by an altered name, the Vahal, by the inhabitants of its shore.
Soon that name too is changed for the Mosa river, through whose vast mouth it
empties itself into the same ocean. |
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7[edit] |
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Caesar, however, while the vessels were
coming up, ordered Silius, his lieutenant-general, to make an inroad on the
Chatti with a flying column. He himself, on hearing that a fort on the river
Luppia was being besieged, led six legions to the spot. Silius owing to
sudden rains did nothing but carry off a small booty, and the wife and
daughter of Arpus, the chief of the Chatti. And Caesar had no opportunity of
fighting given him by the besiegers, who dispersed on the rumour of his
advance. They had, however, destroyed the barrow lately raised in memory of
Varus's legions, and the old altar of Drusus. The prince restored the altar,
and himself with his legions celebrated funeral games in his father's honour.
To raise a new barrow was not thought necessary. All the country between the
fort Aliso and the Rhine was thoroughly secured by new barriers and
earthworks. |
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8[edit] |
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By this time the fleet had arrived, and
Caesar, having sent on his supplies and assigned vessels for the legions and
the allied troops, entered "Drusus's fosse," as it was called. He
prayed Drusus his father to lend him, now that he was venturing on the same
enterprise, the willing and favourable aid of the example and memory of his
counsels and achievements, and he arrived after a prosperous voyage through
the lakes and the ocean as far as the river Amisia. His fleet remained there
on the left bank of the stream, and it was a blunder that he did not have it
brought up the river. He disembarked the troops, which were to be marched to
the country on the right, and thus several days were wasted in the
construction of bridges. The cavalry and the legions fearlessly crossed the
first estuaries in which the tide had not yet risen. The rear of the
auxiliaries, and the Batavi among the number, plunging recklessly into the
water and displaying their skill in swimming, fell into disorder, and some were
drowned. While Caesar was measuring out his camp, he was told of a revolt of
the Angrivarii in his rear. He at once despatched Stertinius with some
cavalry and a light armed force, who punished their perfidy with fire and
sword. |
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9[edit] |
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The waters of the Visurgis flowed between the
Romans and the Cherusci. On its banks stood Arminius with the other chiefs.
He asked whether Caesar had arrived, and on the reply that he was present, he
begged leave to have an interview with his brother. That brother, surnamed
Flavus, was with our army, a man famous for his loyalty, and for having lost
an eye by a wound, a few years ago, when Tiberius was in command. The
permission was then given, and he stepped forth and was saluted by Arminius,
who had removed his guards to a distance and required that the bowmen ranged
on our bank should retire. When they had gone away, Arminius asked his
brother whence came the scar which disfigured his face, and on being told the
particular place and battle, he inquired what reward he had received. Flavus
spoke of increased pay, of a neck chain, a crown, and other military gifts,
while Arminius jeered at such a paltry recompense for slavery. |
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10[edit] |
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Then began a controversy. The one spoke of
the greatness of Rome, the resources of Caesar, the dreadful punishment in
store for the vanquished, the ready mercy for him who surrenders, and the
fact that neither Arminius's wife nor his son were treated as enemies; the
other, of the claims of fatherland, of ancestral freedom, of the gods of the
homes of Germany, of the mother who shared his prayers, that Flavus might not
choose to be the deserter and betrayer rather than the ruler of his kinsfolk
and relatives, and indeed of his own people. By degrees they fell to bitter
words, and even the river between them would not have hindered them from
joining combat, had not Stertinius hurried up and put his hand on Flavus, who
in the full tide of his fury was demanding his weapons and his charger.
Arminius was seen facing him, full of menaces and challenging him to
conflict. Much of what he said was in Roman speech, for he had served in our
camp as leader of his fellow-countrymen. |
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11[edit] |
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Next day the German army took up its position
on the other side of the Visurgis. Caesar, thinking that without bridges and
troops to guard them, it would not be good generalship to expose the legions
to danger, sent the cavalry across the river by the fords. It was commanded
by Stertinius and Aemilius, one of the first rank centurions, who attacked at
widely different points so as to distract the enemy. Chariovalda, the
Batavian chief, dashed to the charge where the stream is most rapid. The
Cherusci, by a pretended flight, drew him into a plain surrounded by
forest-passes. Then bursting on him in a sudden attack from all points they
thrust aside all who resisted, pressed fiercely on their retreat, driving
them before them, when they rallied in compact array, some by close fighting,
others by missiles from a distance. Chariovalda, after long sustaining the
enemy's fury, cheered on his men to break by a dense formation the onset of
their bands, while he himself, plunging into the thickest of the battle, fell
amid a shower of darts with his horse pierced under him, and round him many
noble chiefs. The rest were rescued from the peril by their own strength, or
by the cavalry which came up with Stertinius and Aemilius. |
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12[edit] |
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Caesar on crossing the Visurgis learnt by the
information of a deserter that Arminius had chosen a battle-field, that other
tribes too had assembled in a forest sacred to Hercules, and would venture on
a night attack on his camp. He put faith in this intelligence, and, besides,
several watchfires were seen. Scouts also, who had crept close up to the
enemy, reported that they had heard the neighing of horses and the hum of a
huge and tumultuous host. And so as the decisive crisis drew near, that he
ought thoroughly to sound the temper of his soldiers, he considered with
himself how this was to be accomplished with a genuine result. Tribunes and
centurions, he knew, oftener reported what was welcome than what was true;
freedmen had slavish spirits, friends a love of flattery. If an assembly were
called, there too the lead of a few was followed by the shout of the many. He
must probe their inmost thoughts, when they were uttering their hopes and
fears at the military mess, among themselves, and unwatched. |
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13[edit] |
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At nightfall, leaving his tent of augury by a
secret exit, unknown to the sentries, with one companion, his shoulders
covered with a wild beast's skin, he visited the camp streets, stood by the
tents, and enjoyed the men's talk about himself, as one extolled his noble
rank, another, his handsome person, nearly all of them, his endurance, his
gracious manner and the evenness of his temper, whether he was jesting or was
serious, while they acknowledged that they ought to repay him with their
gratitude in battle, and at the same time sacrifice to a glorious vengeance
the perfidious violators of peace. Meanwhile one of the enemy, acquainted
with the Roman tongue, spurred his horse up to the entrenchments, and in a
loud voice promised in the name of Arminius to all deserters wives and lands
with daily pay of a hundred sesterces as long as war lasted. The insult fired
the wrath of the legions. "Let daylight come," they said, "let
battle be given. The soldiers will possess themselves of the lands of the
Germans and will carry off their wives. We hail the omen; we mean the women
and riches of the enemy to be our spoil." About midday there was a
skirmishing attack on our camp, without any discharge of missiles, when they
saw the cohorts in close array before the lines and no sign of carelessness. |
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14[edit] |
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The same night brought with it a cheering
dream to Germanicus. He saw himself engaged in sacrifice, and his robe being
sprinkled with the sacred blood, another more beautiful was given him by the
hands of his grandmother Augusta. Encouraged by the omen and finding the
auspices favourable, he called an assembly, and explained the precautions
which wisdom suggested as suitable for the impending battle. "It is
not," he said, "plains only which are good for the fighting of
Roman soldiers, but woods and forest passes, if science be used. For the huge
shields and unwieldly lances of the barbarians cannot, amid trunks of trees
and brushwood that springs from the ground, be so well managed as our
javelins and swords and closefitting armour. Shower your blows thickly;
strike at the face with your swords' points. The German has neither cuirass
nor helmet; even his shield is not strengthened with leather or steel, but is
of osiers woven together or of thin and painted board. If their first line is
armed with spears, the rest have only weapons hardened by fire or very short.
Again, though their frames are terrible to the eye and formidable in a brief
onset, they have no capacity of enduring wounds; without, any shame at the
disgrace, without any regard to their leaders, they quit the field and flee;
they quail under disaster, just as in success they forget alike divine and
human laws. If in your weariness of land and sea you desire an end of
service, this battle prepares the way to it. The Elbe is now nearer than the
Rhine, and there is no war beyond, provided only you enable me, keeping close
as I do to my father's and my uncle's footsteps, to stand a conqueror on the
same spot." |
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15[edit] |
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The general's speech was followed by
enthusiasm in the soldiers, and the signal for battle was given. Nor were
Arminius and the other German chiefs slow to call their respective clansmen
to witness that "these Romans were the most cowardly fugitives out of
Varus's army, men who rather than endure war had taken to mutiny. Half of
them have their backs covered with wounds; half are once again exposing limbs
battered by waves and storms to a foe full of fury, and to hostile deities,
with no hope of advantage. They have, in fact, had recourse to a fleet and to
a trackless ocean, that their coming might be unopposed, their flight
unpursued. But when once they have joined conflict with us, the help of winds
or oars will be unavailing to the vanquished. Remember only their greed,
their cruelty, their pride. Is anything left for us but to retain our freedom
or to die before we are enslaved? |
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16[edit] |
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When they were thus roused and were demanding
battle, their chiefs led them down into a plain named Idistaviso. It winds
between the Visurgis and a hill range, its breadth varying as the river banks
recede or the spurs of the hills project on it. In their rear rose a forest,
with the branches rising to a great height, while there were clear spaces
between the trunks. The barbarian army occupied the plain and the outskirts
of the wood. The Cherusci were posted by themselves on the high ground, so as
to rush down on the Romans during the battle. Our army advanced in the
following order. The auxiliary Gauls and Germans were in the van, then the
foot-archers, after them, four legions and Caesar himself with two praetorian
cohorts and some picked cavalry. Next came as many other legions, and
light-armed troops with horse-bowmen, and the remaining cohorts of the
allies. The men were quite ready and prepared to form in line of battle
according to their marching order. |
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17[edit] |
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Caesar, as soon as he saw the Cheruscan bands
which in their impetuous spirit had rushed to the attack, ordered the finest
of his cavalry to charge them in flank, Stertinius with the other squadrons
to make a detour and fall on their rear, promising himself to come up in good
time. Meanwhile there was a most encouraging augury. Eight eagles, seen to
fly towards the woods and to enter them, caught the general's eye.
"Go," he exclaimed, "follow the Roman birds, the true deities
of our legions." At the same moment the infantry charged, and the
cavalry which had been sent on in advance dashed on the rear and the flanks.
And, strange to relate, two columns of the enemy fled in opposite directions,
that, which had occupied the wood, rushing into the open, those who had been
drawn up on the plains, into the wood. The Cherusci, who were between them,
were dislodged from the hills, while Arminius, conspicuous among them by
gesture, voice, and a wound he had received, kept up the fight. He had thrown
himself on our archers and was on the point of breaking through them, when
the cohorts of the Raeti, Vendelici, and Gauls faced his attack. By a strong
bodily effort, however, and a furious rush of his horse, he made his way
through them, having smeared his face with his blood, that he might not be
known. Some have said that he was recognised by Chauci serving among the
Roman auxiliaries, who let him go. Inguiomerus owed his escape to similar
courage or treachery. The rest were cut down in every direction. Many in
attempting to swim across the Visurgis were overwhelmed under a storm of
missiles or by the force of the current, lastly, by the rush of fugitives and
the falling in of the banks. Some in their ignominious flight climbed the
tops of trees, and as they were hiding themselves in the boughs, archers were
brought up and they were shot for sport. Others were dashed to the ground by
the felling of the trees. |
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18[edit] |
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It was a great victory and without bloodshed
to us. From nine in the morning to nightfall the enemy were slaughtered, and
ten miles were covered with arms and dead bodies, while there were found amid
the plunder the chains which the Germans had brought with them for the
Romans, as though the issue were certain. The soldiers on the battle field
hailed Tiberius as Imperator, and raised a mound on which arms were piled in
the style of a trophy, with the names of the conquered tribes inscribed
beneath them. |
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19[edit] |
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That sight caused keener grief and rage among
the Germans than their wounds, their mourning, and their losses. Those who
but now were preparing to quit their settlements and to retreat to the
further side of the Elbe, longed for battle and flew to arms. Common people
and chiefs, young and old, rushed on the Roman army, and spread disorder. At
last they chose a spot closed in by a river and by forests, within which was
a narrow swampy plain. The woods too were surrounded by a bottomless morass,
only on one side of it the Angrivarii had raised a broad earthwork, as a
boundary between themselves and the Cherusci. Here their infantry was ranged.
Their cavalry they concealed in neighbouring woods, so as to be on the
legions' rear, as soon as they entered the forest. |
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20[edit] |
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All this was known to Caesar. He was
acquainted with their plans, their positions, with what met the eye, and what
was hidden, and he prepared to turn the enemy's stratagems to their own
destruction. To Seius Tubero, his chief officer, he assigned the cavalry and
the plain. His infantry he drew up so that part might advance on level ground
into the forest, and part clamber up the earthwork which confronted them. He
charged himself with what was the specially difficult operation, leaving the
rest to his officers. Those who had the level ground easily forced a passage.
Those who had to assault the earthwork encountered heavy blows from above, as
if they were scaling a wall. The general saw how unequal this close fighting
was, and having withdrawn his legions to a little distance, ordered the
slingers and artillerymen to discharge a volley of missiles and scatter the
enemy. Spears were hurled from the engines, and the more conspicuous were the
defenders of the position, the more the wounds with which they were driven
from it. Caesar with some praetorian cohorts was the first, after the
storming of the ramparts, to dash into the woods. There they fought at close
quarters. A morass was in the enemy's rear, and the Romans were hemmed in by
the river or by the hills. Both were in a desperate plight from their
position; valour was their only hope, victory their only safety. |
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21[edit] |
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The Germans were equally brave, but they were
beaten by the nature of the fighting and of the weapons, for their vast host
in so confined a space could neither thrust out nor recover their immense
lances, or avail themselves of their nimble movements and lithe frames,
forced as they were to a close engagement. Our soldiers, on the other hand,
with their shields pressed to their breasts, and their hands grasping their
sword-hilts, struck at the huge limbs and exposed faces of the barbarians,
cutting a passage through the slaughtered enemy, for Arminius was now less
active, either from incessant perils, or because he was partially disabled by
his recent wound. As for Inguiomerus, who flew hither and thither over the
battlefield, it was fortune rather than courage which forsook him.
Germanicus, too, that he might be the better known, took his helmet off his
head and begged his men to follow up the slaughter, as they wanted not
prisoners, and the utter destruction of the nation would be the only
conclusion of the war. And now, late in the day, he withdrew one of his
legions from the field, to intrench a camp, while the rest till nightfall
glutted themselves with the enemy's blood. Our cavalry fought with indecisive
success. |
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22[edit] |
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Having publicly praised his victorious
troops, Caesar raised a pile of arms with the proud inscription, "The
army of Tiberius Caesar, after thoroughly conquering the tribes between the
Rhine and the Elbe, has dedicated this monument to Mars, Jupiter, and
Augustus." He added nothing about himself, fearing jealousy, or thinking
that the conciousness of the achievement was enough. Next he charged
Stertinius with making war on the Angrivarii, but they hastened to surrender.
And, as suppliants, by refusing nothing, they obtained a full pardon. |
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23[edit] |
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When, however, summer was at its height some
of the legions were sent back overland into winter-quarters, but most of them
Caesar put on board the fleet and brought down the river Amisia to the ocean.
At first the calm waters merely sounded with the oars of a thousand vessels
or were ruffled by the sailing ships. Soon, a hailstorm bursting from a black
mass of clouds, while the waves rolled hither and thither under tempestuous
gales from every quarter, rendered clear sight impossible, and the steering difficult,
while our soldiers, terrorstricken and without any experience of disasters on
the sea, by embarrassing the sailors or giving them clumsy aid, neutralized
the services of the skilled crews. After a while, wind and wave shifted
wholly to the south, and from the hilly lands and deep rivers of Germany came
with a huge line of rolling clouds, a strong blast, all the more frightful
from the frozen north which was so near to them, and instantly caught and
drove the ships hither and thither into the open ocean, or on islands with
steep cliffs or which hidden shoals made perilous. these they just escaped,
with difficulty, and when the tide changed and bore them the same way as the
wind, they could not hold to their anchors or bale out the water which rushed
in upon them. Horses, beasts of burden, baggage, were thrown overboard, in
order to lighten the hulls which leaked copiously through their sides, while
the waves too dashed over them. |
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As the ocean is stormier than all other seas,
and as Germany is conspicuous for the terrors of its climate, so in novelty
and extent did this disaster transcend every other, for all around were
hostile coasts, or an expanse so vast and deep that it is thought to be the
remotest shoreless sea. Some of the vessels were swallowed up; many were
wrecked on distant islands, and the soldiers, finding there no form of human
life, perished of hunger, except some who supported existence on carcases of
horses washed on the same shores. Germanicus's trireme alone reached the
country of the Chauci. Day and night, on those rocks and promontories he
would incessantly exclaim that he was himself responsible for this awful
ruin, and friends scarce restrained him from seeking death in the same sea.
At last, as the tide ebbed and the wind blew favourably, the shattered
vessels with but few rowers, or clothing spread as sails, some towed by the
more powerful, returned, and Germanicus, having speedily repaired them, sent them
to search the islands. Many by that means were recovered. The Angrivarii, who
had lately been admitted to our alliance, restored to us several had ransomed
from the inland tribes. Some had been carried to Britain and were sent back
by the petty chiefs. Every one, as he returned from some far-distant region,
told of wonders, of violent hurricanes, and unknown birds, of monsters of the
sea, of forms half-human, half beast-like, things they had really seen or in
their terror believed. |
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Meanwhile the rumoured loss of the fleet
stirred the Germans to hope for war, as it did Caesar to hold them down. He
ordered Caius Silius with thirty thousand infantry and three thousand cavalry
to march against the Chatti. He himself, with a larger army, invaded the
Marsi, whose leader, Mallovendus, whom we had lately admitted to surrender,
pointed out a neighbouring wood, where, he said, an eagle of one of Varus's
legions was buried and guarded only by a small force. Immediately troops were
despatched to draw the enemy from his position by appearing in his front,
others, to hem in his rear and open the ground. Fortune favoured both. So
Germanicus, with increased energy, advanced into the country, laying it
waste, and utterly ruining a foe who dared not encounter him, or who was
instantly defeated wherever he resisted, and, as we learnt from prisoners,
was never more panic-stricken. The Romans, they declared, were invincible,
rising superior to all calamities; for having thrown away a fleet, having lost
their arms, after strewing the shores with the carcases of horses and of men,
they had rushed to the attack with the same courage, with equal spirit, and,
seemingly, with augmented numbers. |
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The soldiers were then led back into
winter-quarters, rejoicing in their hearts at having been compensated for
their disasters at sea by a successful expedition. They were helped too by
Caesar's bounty, which made good whatever loss any one declared he had
suffered. It was also regarded as a certainty that the enemy were wavering
and consulting on negotiations for peace, and that, with an additional
campaign next summer the war might be ended. Tiberius, however, in repeated
letters advised Germanicus to return for the triumph decreed him. "He
had now had enough of success, enough of disaster. He had fought victorious
battles on a great scale; he should also remember those losses which the
winds and waves had inflicted, and which, though due to no fault of the
general, were still grievous and shocking. He, Tiberius, had himself been
sent nine times by Augustus into Germany, and had done more by policy than by
arms. By this means the submission of the Sugambri had been secured, and the
Suevi with their king Maroboduus had been forced into peace. The Cherusci too
and the other insurgent tribes, since the vengeance of Rome had been
satisfied, might be left to their internal feuds." When Germanicus
requested a year for the completion of his enterprise, Tiberius put a severer
pressure on his modesty by offering him a second consulship, the functions of
which he was to discharge in person. He also added that if war must still be
waged, he might as well leave some materials for renown to his brother
Drusus, who, as there was then no other enemy, could win only in Germany the
imperial title and the triumphal laurel. Germanicus hesitated no longer,
though he saw that this was a pretence, and that he was hurried away through
jealousy from the glory he had already acquired. |
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About the same time Libo Drusus, of the
family of Scribonii, was accused of revolutionary schemes. I will explain,
somewhat minutely, the beginning, progress, and end of this affair, since
then first were originated those practices which for so many years have eaten
into the heart of the State. Firmius Catus, a senator, an intimate friend of
Libo's, prompted the young man, who was thoughtless and an easy prey to
delusions, to resort to astrologers' promises, magical rites, and
interpreters of dreams, dwelling ostentatiously on his great-grandfather
Pompeius, his aunt Scribonia, who had formerly been wife of Augustus, his
imperial cousins, his house crowded with ancestral busts, and urging him to
extravagance and debt, himself the companion of his profligacy and desperate
embarrassments, thereby to entangle him in all the more proofs of guilt. |
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As soon as he found enough witnesses, with
some slaves who knew the facts, he begged an audience of the emperor, after
first indicating the crime and the criminal through Flaccus Vescularius, a
Roman knight, who was more intimate with Tiberius than himself. Caesar,
without disregarding the information, declined an interview, for the
communication, he said, might be conveyed to him through the same messenger,
Flaccus. Meanwhile he conferred the praetorship on Libo and often invited him
to his table, showing no unfriendliness in his looks or anger in his words
(so thoroughly had he concealed his resentment); and he wished to know all
his saying and doings, though it was in his power to stop them, till one
Junius, who had been tampered with by Libo for the purpose of evoking by
incantations spirits of the dead, gave information to Fulcinius Trio. Trio's
ability was conspicuous among informers, as well as his eagerness for an evil
notoriety. He at once pounced on the accused, went to the consuls, and demanded
an inquiry before the Senate. The Senators were summoned, with a special
notice that they must consult on a momentous and terrible matter. |
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Libo meanwhile, in mourning apparel and
accompanied by ladies of the highest rank, went to house after house,
entreating his relatives, and imploring some eloquent voice to ward off his
perils; which all refused, on different pretexts, but from the same apprehension.
On the day the Senate met, jaded with fear and mental anguish, or, as some
have related, feigning illness, he was carried in a litter to the doors of
the Senate House, and leaning on his brother he raised his hands and voice in
supplication to Tiberius, who received him with unmoved countenance. The
emperor then read out the charges and the accusers' names, with such calmness
as not to seem to soften or aggravate the accusations. |
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Besides Trio and Catus, Fonteius Agrippa and
Caius Vibius were among his accusers, and claimed with eager rivalry the
privilege of conducting the case for the prosecution, till Vibius, as they
would not yield one to the other, and Libo had entered without counsel,
offered to state the charges against him singly, and produced an
extravagantly absurd accusation, according to which Libo had consulted
persons whether he would have such wealth as to be able to cover the Appian
road as far as Brundisium with money. There were other questions of the same
sort, quite senseless and idle; if leniently regarded, pitiable. But there
was one paper in Libo's handwriting, so the prosecutor alleged, with the
names of Caesars and of Senators, to which marks were affixed of dreadful or
mysterious significance. When the accused denied this, it was decided that
his slaves who recognised the writing should be examined by torture. As an
ancient statute of the Senate forbade such inquiry in a case affecting a
master's life, Tiberius, with his cleverness in devising new law, ordered
Libo's slaves to be sold singly to the State-agent, so that, forsooth,
without an infringement of the Senate's decree, Libo might be tried on their
evidence. As a consequence, the defendant asked an adjournment till next day,
and having gone home he charged his kinsman, Publius Quirinus, with his last
prayer to the emperor. |
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The answer was that he should address himself
to the Senate. Meanwhile his house was surrounded with soldiers; they crowded
noisily even about the entrance, so that they could be heard and seen; when
Libo, whose anguish drove him from the very banquet he had prepared as his
last gratification, called for a minister of death, grasped the hands of his
slaves, and thrust a sword into them. In their confusion, as they shrank
back, they overturned the lamp on the table at his side, and in the darkness,
now to him the gloom of death, he aimed two blows at a vital part. At the
groans of the falling man his freedmen hurried up, and the soldiers, seeing
the bloody deed, stood aloof. Yet the prosecution was continued in the Senate
with the same persistency, and Tiberius declared on oath that he would have
interceded for his life, guilty though he was, but for his hasty suicide. |
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His property was divided among his accusers,
and praetorships out of the usual order were conferred on those who were of
senators' rank. Cotta Messalinus then proposed that Libo's bust should not be
carried in the funeral procession of any of his descendants; and Cneius
Lentulus, that no Scribonius should assume the surname of Drusus. Days of
public thanksgiving were appointed on the suggestion of Pomponius Flaccus.
Offerings were given to Jupiter, Mars, and Concord, and the 13th day of
September, on which Libo had killed himself, was to be observed as a
festival, on the motion of Gallus Asinius, Papius Mutilus, and Lucius
Apronius. I have mentioned the proposals and sycophancy of these men, in
order to bring to light this old-standing evil in the State. Decrees of the
Senate were also passed to expel from Italy astrologers and magicians. One of
their number, Lucius Pituanius, was hurled from the Rock. Another, Publius
Marcius, was executed, according to ancient custom, by the consuls outside
the Esquiline Gate, after the trumpets had been bidden to sound. |
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On the next day of the Senate's meeting much
was said against the luxury of the country by Quintus Haterius, an ex-consul,
and by Octavius Fronto, an ex-praetor. It was decided that vessels of solid
gold should not be made for the serving of food, and that men should not
disgrace themselves with silken clothing from the East. Fronto went further,
and insisted on restrictions being put on plate, furniture, and household
establishments. It was indeed still usual with the Senators, when it was
their turn to vote, to suggest anything they thought for the State's
advantage. Gallus Asinius argued on the other side. "With the growth of
the empire private wealth too," he said, "had increased, and there
was nothing new in this, but it accorded with the fashions of the earliest
antiquity. Riches were one thing with the Fabricii, quite another with the
Scipios. The State was the standard of everything; when it was poor, the
homes of the citizens were humble; when it reached such magnificence, private
grandeur increased. In household establishments, and plate, and in whatever
was provided for use, there was neither excess nor parsimony except in
relation to the fortune of the possessor. A distinction had been made in the
assessments of Senators and knights, not because they differed naturally, but
that the superiority of the one class in places in the theatre, in rank and
in honour, might be also maintained in everything else which insured mental
repose and bodily recreation, unless indeed men in the highest position were
to undergo more anxieties and more dangers, and to be at the same time
deprived of all solace under those anxieties and dangers." Gallus gained
a ready assent, under these specious phrases, by a confession of failings
with which his audience symphathised. And Tiberius too had added that this
was not a time for censorship, and that if there were any declension in
manners, a promoter of reform would not be wanting. |
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During this debate Lucius Piso, after
exclaiming against the corruption of the courts, the bribery of judges, the
cruel threats of accusations from hired orators, declared that he would
depart and quit the capital, and that he meant to live in some obscure and
distant rural retreat. At the same moment he rose to leave the Senate House.
Tiberius was much excited, and though he pacified Piso with gentle words, he
also strongly urged his relatives to stop his departure by their influence or
their entreaties. Soon afterwards this same Piso gave an equal proof of a
fearless sense of wrong by suing Urgulania, whom Augusta's friendship had
raised above the law. Neither did Urgulania obey the summons, for in defiance
of Piso she went in her litter to the emperor's house; nor did Piso give way,
though Augusta complained that she was insulted and her majesty slighted.
Tiberius, to win popularity by so humouring his mother as to say that he
would go to the praetor's court and support Urgulania, went forth from the
palace, having ordered soldiers to follow him at a distance. He was seen, as
the people thronged about him, to wear a calm face, while he prolonged his
time on the way with various conversations, till at last when Piso's
relatives tried in vain to restrain him, Augusta directed the money which was
claimed to be handed to him. This ended the affair, and Piso, in consequence,
was not dishonoured, and the emperor rose in reputation. Urgulania's
influence, however, was so formidable to the State, that in a certain cause
which was tried by the Senate she would not condescend to appear as a
witness. The praetor was sent to question her at her own house, although the
Vestal virgins, according to ancient custom, were heard in the courts, before
judges, whenever they gave evidence. |
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I should say nothing of the adjournment of
public business in this year, if it were not worth while to notice the
conflicting opinions of Cneius Piso and Asinius Gallus on the subject. Piso,
although the emperor had said that he would be absent, held that all the more
ought the business to be transacted, that the State might have honour of its
Senate and knights being able to perform their duties in the sovereign's
absence. Gallus, as Piso had forestalled him in the display of freedom,
maintained that nothing was sufficiently impressive or suitable to the
majesty of the Roman people, unless done before Caesar and under his very
eyes, and that therefore the gathering from all Italy and the influx from the
provinces ought to be reserved for his presence. Tiberius listened to this in
silence, and the matter was debated on both sides in a sharp controversy. The
business, however, was adjourned. |
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A dispute then arose between Gallus and the
emperor. Gallus proposed that the elections of magistrates should be held
every five years, and that the commanders of the legions who before receiving
a praetorship discharged this military service should at once become
praetorselect, the emperor nominating twelve candidates every year. It was
quite evident that this motion had a deeper meaning and was an attempt to
explore the secrets of imperial policy. Tiberius, however, argued as if his
power would be thus increased. "It would," he said, "be trying
to his moderation to have to elect so many and to put off so many. He
scarcely avoided giving offence from year to year, even though a candidate's
rejection was solaced by the near prospect of office. What hatred would be
incurred from those whose election was deferred for five years! How could he
foresee through so long an interval what would be a man's temper, or domestic
relations, or estate? Men became arrogant even with this annual appointment.
What would happen if their thoughts were fixed on promotion for five years?
It was in fact a multiplying of the magistrates five-fold, and a subversion
of the laws which had prescribed proper periods for the exercise of the
candidate's activity and the seeking or securing office. With this seemingly
conciliatory speech he retained the substance of power. |
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He also increased the incomes of some of the
Senators. Hence it was the more surprising that he listened somewhat
disdainfully to the request of Marcus Hortalus, a youth of noble rank in
conspicuous poverty. He was the grandson of the orator Hortensius, and had
been induced by Augustus, on the strength of a gift of a million sesterces,
to marry and rear children, that one of our most illustrious families might
not become extinct. Accordingly, with his four sons standing at the doors of
the Senate House, the Senate then sitting in the palace, when it was his turn
to speak he began to address them as follows, his eyes fixed now on the
statue of Hortensius which stood among those of the orators, now on that of
Augustus:- "Senators, these whose numbers and boyish years you behold I
have reared, not by my own choice, but because the emperor advised me. At the
same time, my ancestors deserved to have descendants. For myself, not having
been able in these altered times to receive or acquire wealth or popular
favour, or that eloquence which has been the hereditary possession of our
house, I was satisfied if my narrow means were neither a disgrace to myself
nor burden to others. At the emperor's bidding I married. Behold the
offspring and progeny of a succession of consuls and dictators. Not to excite
odium do I recall such facts, but to win compassion. While you prosper,
Caesar, they will attain such promotion as you shall bestow. Meanwhile save
from penury the great-grandsons of Quintus Hortensius, the foster-children of
Augustus." |
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The Senate's favourable bias was an
incitement to Tiberius to offer prompt opposition, which he did in nearly
these words: - "If all poor men begin to come here and to beg money for
their children, individuals will never be satisfied, and the State will be
bankrupt. Certainly our ancestors did not grant the privilege of occasionally
proposing amendments or of suggesting, in our turn for speaking, something
for the general advantage in order that we might in this house increase our
private business and property, thereby bringing odium on the Senate and on
emperors whether they concede or refuse their bounty. In fact, it is not a
request, but an importunity, as utterly unreasonable as it is unforeseen, for
a senator, when the house has met on other matters, to rise from his place
and, pleading the number and age of his children, put a pressure on the
delicacy of the Senate, then transfer the same constraint to myself, and, as
it were, break open the exchequer, which, if we exhaust it by improper favouritism,
will have to be replenished by crimes. Money was given you, Hortalus, by
Augustus, but without solicitation, and not on the condition of its being
always given. Otherwise industry will languish and idleness be encouraged, if
a man has nothing to fear, nothing to hope from himself, and every one, in
utter recklessness, will expect relief from others, thus becoming useless to
himself and a burden to me." These and like remarks, though listened to
with assent by those who make it a practice to eulogise everything coming
from sovereigns, both good and bad, were received by the majority in silence
or with suppressed murmurs. Tiberius perceived it, and having paused a while,
said that he had given Hortalus his answer, but that if the senators thought
it right, he would bestow two hundred thousand sesterces on each of his
children of the male sex. The others thanked him; Hortalus said nothing,
either from alarm or because even in his reduced fortunes he clung to his
hereditary nobility. Nor did Tiberius afterwards show any pity, though the
house of Hortensius sank into shameful poverty. |
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That same year the daring of a single slave,
had it not been promptly checked, would have ruined the State by discord and
civil war. A servant of Postumus Agrippa, Clemens by name, having ascertained
that Augustus was dead, formed a design beyond a slave's conception, of going
to the island of Planasia and seizing Agrippa by craft or force and bringing
him to the armies of Germany. The slowness of a merchant vessel thwarted his
bold venture. Meanwhile the murder of Agrippa had been perpetrated, and then
turning his thoughts to a greater and more hazardous enterprise, he stole the
ashes of the deceased, sailed to Cosa, a promontory of Etruria, and there hid
himself in obscure places till his hair and beard were long. In age and
figure he was not unlike his master. Then through suitable emissaries who
shared his secret, it was rumoured that Agrippa was alive, first in whispered
gossip, soon, as is usual with forbidden topics, in vague talk which found
its way to the credulous ears of the most ignorant people or of restless and
revolutionary schemers. He himself went to the towns, as the day grew dark,
without letting himself be seen publicly or remaining long in the same
places, but, as he knew that truth gains strength by notoriety and time,
falsehood by precipitancy and vagueness, he would either withdraw himself
from publicity or else forestall it. |
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It was rumoured meanwhile throughout Italy,
and was believed at Rome, that Agrippa had been saved by the blessing of
Heaven. Already at Ostia, where he had arrived, he was the centre of interest
to a vast concourse as well as to secret gatherings in the capital, while
Tiberius was distracted by the doubt whether he should crush this slave of
his by military force or allow time to dissipate a silly credulity. Sometimes
he thought that he must overlook nothing, sometimes that he need not be
afraid of everything, his mind fluctuating between shame and terror. At last
he entrusted the affair to Sallustius Crispus, who chose two of his
dependants (some say they were soldiers) and urged them to go to him as
pretended accomplices, offering money and promising faithful companionship in
danger. They did as they were bidden; then, waiting for an unguarded hour of
night, they took with them a sufficient force, and having bound and gagged
him, dragged him to the palace. When Tiberius asked him how he had become Agrippa,
he is said to have replied, "As you became Caesar." He could not be
forced to divulge his accomplices. Tiberius did not venture on a public
execution, but ordered him to be slain in a private part of the palace and
his body to be secretly removed. And although many of the emperor's household
and knights and senators were said to have supported him with their wealth
and helped him with their counsels, no inquiry was made. |
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At the close of the year was consecrated an
arch near the temple of Saturn to commemorate the recovery of the standards
lost with Varus, under the leadership of Germanicus and the auspices of
Tiberius; a temple of Fors Fortuna, by the Tiber, in the gardens which
Caesar, the dictator, bequeathed to the Roman people; a chapel to the Julian
family, and statues at Bovillae to the Divine Augustus. In the consulship of
Caius Caecilius and Lucius Pomponius, Germanicus Caesar, on the 26th day of
May, celebrated his triumph over the Cherusci, Chatti, and Angrivarii, and
the other tribes which extend as far as the Elbe. There were borne in
procession spoils, prisoners, representations of the mountains, the rivers
and battles; and the war, seeing that he had been forbidden to finish it, was
taken as finished. The admiration of the beholders was heightened by the
striking comeliness of the general and the chariot which bore his five
children. Still, there was a latent dread when they remembered how
unfortunate in the case of Drusus, his father, had been the favour of the
crowd; how his uncle Marcellus, regarded by the city populace with passionate
enthusiasm, had been snatched from them while yet a youth, and how
short-lived and ill-starred were the attachments of the Roman people. |
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Tiberius meanwhile in the name of Germanicus
gave every one of the city populace three hundred sesterces, and nominated
himself his colleague in the consulship. Still, failing to obtain credit for
sincere affection, he resolved to get the young prince out of the way, under
pretence of conferring distinction, and for this he invented reasons, or
eagerly fastened on such as chance presented. King Archelaus had been in
possession of Cappadocia for fifty years, and Tiberius hated him because he
had not shown him any mark of respect while he was at Rhodes. This neglect of
Archelaus was not due to pride, but was suggested by the intimate friends of
Augustus, because, when Caius Caesar was in his prime and had charge of the
affairs of the East, Tiberius's friendship was thought to be dangerous. When,
after the extinction of the family of the Caesars, Tiberius acquired the
empire, he enticed Archelaus by a letter from his mother, who without
concealing her son's displeasure promised mercy if he would come to beg for
it. Archelaus, either quite unsuspicious of treachery, or dreading
compulsion, should it be thought that he saw through it, hastened to Rome.
There he was received by a pitiless emperor, and soon afterwards was
arraigned before the Senate. In his anguish and in the weariness of old age,
and from being unused, as a king, to equality, much less to degradation, not,
certainly, from fear of the charges fabricated against him, he ended his
life, by his own act or by a natural death. His kingdom was reduced into a
province, and Caesar declared that, with its revenues, the one per cent. tax
could be lightened, which, for the future, he fixed at one-half per cent.
During the same time, on the deaths of Antiochus and Philopator, kings
respectively of the Commageni and Cilicians, these nations became excited, a
majority desiring the Roman rule, some, that of their kings. The provinces
too of Syria and Judaea, exhausted by their burdens, implored a reduction of
tribute. |
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Tiberius accordingly discussed these matters
and the affairs of Armenia, which I have already related, before the Senate.
"The commotions in the East," he said, "could be quieted only
by the wisdom, of Germanicus; own life was on the decline, and Drusus had not
yet reached his maturity." Thereupon, by a decree of the Senate, the
provinces beyond sea were entrusted to Germanicus, with greater powers
wherever he went than were given to those who obtained their provinces by lot
or by the emperor's appointment. Tiberius had however removed from Syria
Creticus Silanus, who was connected by a close tie with Germanicus, his
daughter being betrothed to Nero, the eldest of Germanicus's children. He
appointed to it Cneius Piso, a man of violent temper, without an idea of
obedience, with indeed a natural arrogance inherited from his father Piso,
who in the civil war supported with the most energetic aid against Caesar the
reviving faction in Africa, then embraced the cause of Brutus and Cassius,
and, when suffered to return, refrained from seeking promotion till, he was
actually solicited to accept a consulship offered by Augustus. But beside the
father's haughty temper there was also the noble rank and wealth of his wife
Plancina, to inflame his ambition. He would hardly be the inferior of
Tiberius, and as for Tiberius's children, he looked down on them as far
beneath him. He thought it a certainty that he had been chosen to govern
Syria in order to thwart the aspirations of Germanicus. Some believed that he
had even received secret instructions from Tiberius, and it was beyond a
question that Augusta, with feminine jealousy, had suggested to Plancina
calumnious insinuations against Agrippina. For there was division and discord
in the court, with unexpressed partialities towards either Drusus or
Germanicus. Tiberius favoured Drusus, as his son and born of his own blood.
As for Germanicus, his uncle's estrangement had increased the affection which
all others felt for him, and there was the fact too that he had an advantage
in the illustrious rank of his mother's family, among whom he could point to
his grandfather Marcus Antonius and to his great-uncle Augustus. Drusus, on
the other hand, had for his great-grandfather a Roman knight, Pomponius
Atticus, who seemed to disgrace the ancestral images of the Claudii. Again,
the consort of Germanicus, Agrippina, in number of children and in character,
was superior to Livia, the wife of Drusus. Yet the brothers were singularly
united, and were wholly unaffected by the rivalries of their kinsfolk. |
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Soon afterwards Drusus was sent into
Illyricum to be familiarised with military service, and to win the goodwill
of the army. Tiberius also thought that it was better for the young prince,
who was being demoralised by the luxury of the capital, to serve in a camp,
while he felt himself the safer with both his sons in command of legions.
However, he made a pretext of the Suevi, who were imploring help against the
Cherusci. For when the Romans had departed and they were free from the fear
of an invader, these tribes, according to the custom of the race, and then
specially as rivals in fame, had turned their arms against each other. The
strength of the two nations, the valour of their chiefs were equal. But the
title of king rendered Maroboduus hated among his countrymen, while Arminius
was regarded with favour as the champion of freedom. |
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Thus it was not only the Cherusci and their
allies, the old soldiers of Arminius, who took up arms, but even the Semnones
and Langobardi from the kingdom of Maroboduus revolted to that chief. With
this addition he must have had an overwhelming superiority, had not
Inguiomerus deserted with a troop of his dependants to Maroboduus, simply for
the reason that the aged uncle scorned to obey a brother's youthful son. The
armies were drawn up, with equal confidence on both sides, and there were not
those desultory attacks or irregular bands, formerly so common with the
Germans. Prolonged warfare against us had accustomed them to keep close to
their standards, to have the support of reserves, and to take the word of
command from their generals. On this occasion Arminius, who reviewed the
whole field on horseback, as he rode up to each band, boasted of regained
freedom, of slaughtered legions, of spoils and weapons wrested from the
Romans, and still in the hands of many of his men. As for Maroboduus, he
called him a fugitive, who had no experience of battles, who had sheltered
himself in the recesses of the Hercynian forest and then with presents and
embassies sued for a treaty; a traitor to his country, a satellite of Caesar,
who deserved to be driven out, with rage as furious as that with which they
had slain Quintilius Varus. They should simply remember their many battles,
the result of which, with the final expulsion of the Romans, sufficiently
showed who could claim the crowning success in war. |
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46[edit] |
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Nor did Maroboduus abstain from vaunts about
himself or from revilings of the foe. Clasping the hand of Inguiomerus, he
protested "that in the person before them centred all the renown of the
Cherusci, that to his counsels was due whatever had ended successfully.
Arminius in his infatuation and ignorance was taking to himself the glory
which belonged to another, for he had treacherously surprised three
unofficered legions and a general who had not an idea of perfidy, to the
great hurt of Germany and to his own disgrace, since his wife and his son
were still enduring slavery. As for himself, he had been attacked by twelve
legions led by Tiberius, and had preserved untarnished the glory of the
Germans, and then on equal terms the armies had parted. He was by no means
sorry that they had the matter in their own hands, whether they preferred to
war with all their might against Rome, or to accept a bloodless peace."
To these words, which roused the two armies, was added the stimulus of
special motives of their own. The Cherusci and Langobardi were fighting for
ancient renown or newly-won freedom; the other side for the increase of their
dominion. Never at any time was the shock of battle more tremendous or the
issue more doubtful, as the right wings of both armies were routed. Further
fighting was expected, when Maroboduus withdrew his camp to the hills. This
was a sign of discomfiture. He was gradually stripped of his strength by
desertions, and, having fled to the Marcomanni, he sent envoys to Tiberius
with entreaties for help. The answer was that he had no right to invoke the
aid of Roman arms against the Cherusci, when he had rendered no assistance to
the Romans in their conflict with the same enemy. Drusus, however, was sent
as I have related, to establish peace. |
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47[edit] |
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That same year twelve famous cities of Asia
fell by an earthquake in the night, so that the destruction was all the more
unforeseen and fearful. Nor were there the means of escape usual in, such a
disaster, by rushing out into the open country, for there people were
swallowed up by the yawning earth. Vast mountains, it is said, collapsed;
what had been level ground seemed to be raised aloft, and fires blazed out
amid the ruin. The calamity fell most fatally on the inhabitants of Sardis,
and it attracted to them the largest share of sympathy. The emperor promised
ten million sesterces, and remitted for five years all they paid to the
exchequer or to the emperor's purse. Magnesia, under Mount Sipylus, was
considered to come next in loss and in need of help. The people of Temnus,
Philadelpheia, Aegae, Apollonis, the Mostenians, and Hyrcanian Macedonians,
as they were called, with the towns of Hierocaesarea, Myrina, Cyme, and
Tmolus, were; it was decided, to be exempted from tribute for the same time,
and some one was to be sent from the Senate to examine their actual condition
and to relieve them. Marcus Aletus, one of the expraetors, was chosen, from a
fear that, as an exconsul was governor of Asia, there might be rivalry
between men of equal rank, and consequent embarrassment. |
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48[edit] |
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To his splendid public liberality the emperor
added bounties no less popular. The property of Aemilia Musa, a rich woman
who died intestate, on which the imperial treasury had a claim, he handed
over to Aemilius Lepidus, to whose family she appeared to belong; and the
estate of Patuleius, a wealthy Roman knight, though he was himself left in
part his heir, he gave to Marcus Servilius, whose name he discovered in an
earlier and unquestioned will. In both these cases he said that noble rank
ought to have the support of wealth. Nor did he accept a legacy from any one
unless he had earned it by friendship. Those who were strangers to him, and
who, because they were at enmity with others, made the emperor their heir, he
kept at a distance. While, however, he relieved the honourable poverty of the
virtuous, he expelled from the Senate or suffered voluntarily to retire
spendthrifts whose vices had brought them to penury, like Vibidius Varro,
Marius Nepos, Appius Appianus, Cornelius Sulla, and Quintus Vitellius. |
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49[edit] |
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About the same time he dedicated some temples
of the gods, which had perished from age or from fire, and which Augustus had
begun to restore. These were temples to Liber, Libera, and Ceres, near the
Great Circus, which last Aulus Postumius, when Dictator, had vowed; a temple
to Flora in the same place, which had been built by Lucius and Marcus
Publicius, aediles, and a temple to Janus, which had been erected in the
vegetable market by Caius Duilius, who was the first to make the Roman power
successful at sea and to win a naval triumph over the Carthaginians. A temple
to Hope was consecrated by Germanicus; this had been vowed by Atilius in that
same war. |
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50[edit] |
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Meantime the law of treason was gaining
strength. Appuleia Varilia, grand-niece of Augustus, was accused of treason
by an informer for having ridiculed the Divine Augustus, Tiberius, and
Tiberius's mother, in some insulting remarks, and for having been convicted
of adultery, allied though she was to Caesar's house. Adultery, it was
thought, was sufficiently guarded against by the Julian law. As to the charge
of treason, the emperor insisted that it should be taken separately, and that
she should be condemned if she had spoken irreverently of Augustus. Her
insinuations against himself he did not wish to be the subject of judicial
inquiry. When asked by the consul what he thought of the unfavourable
speeches she was accused of having uttered against his mother, he said
nothing. Afterwards, on the next day of the Senate's meeting, he even begged
in his mother's name that no words of any kind spoken against her might in
any case be treated as criminal. He then acquitted Appuleia of treason. For
her adultery, he deprecated the severer penalty, and advised that she should
be removed by her kinsfolk, after the example of our forefathers, to more
than two hundred miles from Rome. Her paramour, Manlius, was forbidden to
live in Italy or Africa. |
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51[edit] |
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A contest then arose about the election of a
praetor in the room of Vipstanus Gallus, whom death had removed. Germanicus
and Drusus (for they were still at Rome) supported Haterius Agrippa, a
relative of Germanicus. Many, on the other hand, endeavoured to make the
number of children weigh most in favour of the candidates. Tiberius rejoiced
to see a strife in the Senate between his sons and the law. Beyond question
the law was beaten, but not at once, and only by a few votes, in the same way
as laws were defeated even when they were in force. |
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52[edit] |
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In this same year a war broke out in Africa,
where the enemy was led by Tacfarinas. A Numidian by birth, he had served as
an auxiliary in the Roman camp, then becoming a deserter, he at first
gathered round him a roving band familiar with robbery, for plunder and for
rapine. After a while, he marshalled them like regular soldiers, under
standards and in troops, till at last he was regarded as the leader, not of
an undisciplined rabble, but of the Musulamian people. This powerful tribe,
bordering on the deserts of Africa, and even then with none of the
civilisation of cities, took up arms and drew their Moorish neighbours into
the war. These too had a leader, Mazippa. The army was so divided that
Tacfarinas kept the picked men who were armed in Roman fashion within a camp,
and familiarised them with a commander's authority, while Mazippa, with light
troops, spread around him fire, slaughter, and consternation. They had forced
the Ciniphii, a far from contemptible tribe, into their cause, when Furius Camillus,
proconsul of Africa, united in one force a legion and all the regularly
enlisted allies, and, with an army insignificant indeed compared with the
multitude of the Numidians and Moors, marched against the enemy. There was
nothing however which he strove so much to avoid as their eluding an
engagement out of fear. It was by the hope of victory that they were lured on
only to be defeated. The legion was in the army's centre; the light cohorts
and two cavalry squadrons on its wings. Nor did Tacfarinas refuse battle. The
Numidians were routed, and after a number of years the name of Furius won
military renown. Since the days of the famous deliverer of our city and his
son Camillus, fame as a general had fallen to the lot of other branches of
the family, and the man of whom I am now speaking was regarded as an
inexperienced soldier. All the more willingly did Tiberius commemorate his
achievements in the Senate, and the Senators voted him the ornaments of
triumph, an honour which Camillus, because of his unambitious life, enjoyed
without harm. |
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53[edit] |
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In the following year Tiberius held his
third, Germanicus his second, consulship. Germanicus, however, entered on the
office at Nicopolis, a city of Achaia, whither he had arrived by the coast of
Illyricum, after having seen his brother Drusus, who was then in Dalmatia,
and endured a stormy voyage through the Adriatic and afterwards the Ionian
Sea. He accordingly devoted a few days to the repair of his fleet, and, at
the same time, in remembrance of his ancestors, he visited the bay which the
victory of Actium had made famous, the spoils consecrated by Augustus, and
the camp of Antonius. For, as I have said, Augustus was his great-uncle,
Antonius his grandfather, and vivid images of disaster and success rose
before him on the spot. Thence he went to Athens, and there, as a concession
to our treaty with an allied and ancient city, he was attended only by a
single lictor. The Greeks welcomed him with the most elaborate honours, and
brought forward all the old deeds and sayings of their countrymen, to give
additional dignity to their flattery. |
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54[edit] |
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Thence he directed his course to Euboea and
crossed to Lesbos, where Agrippina for the last time was confined and gave
birth to Julia. He then penetrated to the remoter parts of the province of
Asia, visited the Thracian cities, Perinthus and Byzantium; next, the narrow
strait of the Propontis and the entrance of the Pontus, from an anxious wish
to become acquainted with those ancient and celebrated localities. He gave
relief, as he went, to provinces which had been exhausted by internal feuds
or by the oppressions of governors. In his return he attempted to see the
sacred mysteries of the Samothracians, but north winds which he encountered
drove him aside from his course. And so after visiting Ilium and surveying a
scene venerable from the vicissitudes of fortune and as the birth-place of
our people, he coasted back along Asia, and touched at Colophon, to consult
the oracle of the Clarian Apollo. There, it is not a woman, as at Delphi, but
a priest chosen from certain families, generally from Miletus, who ascertains
simply the number and the names of the applicants. Then descending into a
cave and drinking a draught from a secret spring, the man, who is commonly
ignorant of letters and of poetry, utters a response in verse answering to
the thoughts conceived in the mind of any inquirer. It was said that he
prophesied to Germanicus, in dark hints, as oracles usually do, an early
doom. |
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55[edit] |
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Cneius Piso meanwhile, that he might the
sooner enter on his design, terrified the citizens of Athens by his
tumultuous approach, and then reviled them in a bitter speech, with indirect
reflections on Germanicus, who, he said, had derogated from the honour of the
Roman name in having treated with excessive courtesy, not the people of
Athens, who indeed had been exterminated by repeated disasters, but a
miserable medley of tribes. As for the men before him, they had been
Mithridates's allies against Sulla, allies of Antonius against the Divine
Augustus. He taunted them too with the past, with their ill-success against
the Macedonians, their violence to their own countrymen, for he had his own
special grudge against this city, because they would not spare at his
intercession one Theophilus whom the Areopagus had condemned for forgery.
Then, by sailing rapidly and by the shortest route through the Cyclades, he
overtook Germanicus at the island of Rhodes. The prince was not ignorant of
the slanders with which he had been assailed, but his good nature was such
that when a storm arose and drove Piso on rocks, and his enemy's destruction
could have been referred to chance, he sent some triremes, by the help of
which he might be rescued from danger. But this did not soften Piso's heart.
Scarcely allowing a day's interval, he left Germanicus and hastened on in
advance. When he reached Syria and the legions, he began, by bribery and
favouritism, to encourage the lowest of the common soldiers, removing the old
centurions and the strict tribunes and assigning their places to creatures of
his own or to the vilest of the men, while he allowed idleness in the camp,
licentiousness in the towns, and the soldiers to roam through the country and
take their pleasure. He went such lengths in demoralizing them, that he was
spoken of in their vulgar talk as the father of the legions. Plancina too,
instead of keeping herself within the proper limits of a woman, would be
present at the evolutions of the cavalry and the manoeuvres of the cohorts,
and would fling insulting remarks at Agrippina and Germanicus. Some even of
the good soldiers were inclined to a corrupt compliance, as a whispered
rumour gained ground that the emperor was not averse to these proceedings. Of
all this Germanicus was aware, but his most pressing anxiety was to be first
in reaching Armenia. |
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56[edit] |
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This had been of old an unsettled country
from the character of its people and from its geographical position,
bordering, as it does, to a great extent on our provinces and stretching far
away to Media. It lies between two most mighty empires, and is very often at
strife with them, hating Rome and jealous of Parthia. It had at this time no
king, Vonones having been expelled, but the nation's likings inclined towards
Zeno, son of Polemon, king of Pontus, who from his earliest infancy had
imitated Armenian manners and customs, loving the chase, the banquet, and all
the popular pastimes of barbarians, and who had thus bound to himself chiefs
and people alike. Germanicus accordingly, in the city of Artaxata, with the
approval of the nobility, in the presence of a vast multitude, placed the
royal diadem on his head. All paid him homage and saluted him as King
Artaxias, which name they gave him from the city. Cappadocia meanwhile, which
had been reduced to the form of a province, received as its governor Quintus
Veranius. Some of the royal tributes were diminished, to inspire hope of a
gentler rule under Rome. Quintus Servaeus was appointed to Commagene, then
first put under a praetor's jurisdiction. |
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57[edit] |
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Successful as was this settlement of all the
interests of our allies, it gave Germanicus little joy because of the
arrogance of Piso. Though he had been ordered to march part of the legions
into Armenia under his own or his son's command, he had neglected to do
either. At length the two met at Cyrrhus, the winterquarters of the tenth
legion, each controlling his looks, Piso concealing his fears, Germanicus
shunning the semblance of menace. He was indeed, as I have said, a
kind-hearted man. But friends who knew well how to inflame a quarrel,
exaggerated what was true and added lies, alleging various charges against
Piso, Plancina, and their sons. At last, in the presence of a few intimate
associates, Germanicus addressed him in language such as suppressed
resentment suggests, to which Piso replied with haughty apologies. They
parted in open enmity. After this Piso was seldom seen at Caesar's tribunal,
and if he ever sat by him, it was with a sullen frown and a marked display of
opposition. He was even heard to say at a banquet given by the king of the
Nabataeans, when some golden crowns of great weight were presented to Caesar
and Agrippina and light ones to Piso and the rest, that the entertainment was
given to the son of a Roman emperor, not of a Parthian king. At the same time
he threw his crown on the ground, with a long speech against luxury, which,
though it angered Germanicus, he still bore with patience. |
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58[edit] |
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Meantime envoys arrived from Artabanus, king
of the Parthians. He had sent them to recall the memory of friendship and
alliance, with an assurance that he wished for a renewal of the emblems of
concord, and that he would in honour of Germanicus yield the point of
advancing to the bank of the Euphrates. He begged meanwhile that Vonones
might not be kept in Syria, where, by emissaries from an easy distance, he
might draw the chiefs of the tribes into civil strife. Germanicus' answer as
to the alliance between Rome and Parthia was dignified; as to the king's
visit and the respect shown to himself, it was graceful and modest. Vonones
was removed to Pompeiopolis, a city on the coast of Cilicia. This was not
merely a concession to the request of Artabanus, but was meant as an affront
to Piso, who had a special liking for Vonones, because of the many attentions
and presents by which he had won Plancina's favour. |
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59[edit] |
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In the consulship of Marcus Silanus and
Lucius Norbanus, Germanicus set out for Egypt to study its antiquities. His
ostensible motive however was solicitude for the province. He reduced the
price of corn by opening the granaries, and adopted many practices pleasing
to the multitude. He would go about without soldiers, with sandalled feet,
and apparelled after the Greek fashion, in imitation of Publius Scipio, who,
it is said, habitually did the same in Sicily, even when the war with
Carthage was still raging. Tiberius having gently expressed disapproval of
his dress and manners, pronounced a very sharp censure on his visit to
Alexandria without the emperor's leave, contrary to the regulations of
Augustus. That prince, among other secrets of imperial policy, had forbidden
senators and Roman knights of the higher rank to enter Egypt except by
permission, and he had specially reserved the country, from a fear that any
one who held a province containing the key of the land and of the sea, with
ever so small a force against the mightiest army, might distress Italy by
famine. |
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60[edit] |
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Germanicus, however, who had not yet learnt
how much he was blamed for his expedition, sailed up the Nile from the city
of Canopus as his starting-point. Spartans founded the place because Canopus,
pilot of one of their ships, had been buried there, when Menelaus on his
return to Greece was driven into a distant sea and to the shores of Libya.
Thence he went to the river's nearest mouth, dedicated to a Hercules who, the
natives say, was born in the country and was the original hero, others, who
afterwards showed like valour, having received his name. Next he visited the
vast ruins of ancient Thebes. There yet remained on the towering piles
Egyptian inscriptions, with a complete account of the city's past grandeur.
One of the aged priests, who was desired to interpret the language of his
country, related how once there had dwelt in Thebes seven hundred thousand
men of military age, and how with such an army king Rhamses conquered Libya,
Ethiopia, Media, Persia, Bactria, and Scythia, and held under his sway the
countries inhabited by the Syrians, Armenians, and their neighbours, the
Cappadocians, from the Bithynian to the Lycian sea. There was also to be read
what tributes were imposed on these nations, the weight of silver and gold,
the tale of arms and horses, the gifts of ivory and of perfumes to the
temples, with the amount of grain and supplies furnished by each people, a
revenue as magnificent as is now exacted by the might of Parthia or the power
of Rome. |
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61[edit] |
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But Germanicus also bestowed attention on
other wonders. Chief of these were the stone image of Memnon, which, when
struck by the sun's rays, gives out the sound of a human voice; the pyramids,
rising up like mountains amid almost impassable wastes of shifting sand,
raised by the emulation and vast wealth of kings; the lake hollowed out of
the earth to be a receptacle for the Nile's overflow; and elsewhere the
river's narrow channel and profound depth which no line of the explorer can
penetrate. He then came to Elephantine and Syene, formerly the limits of the
Roman empire, which now extends to the Red Sea. |
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62[edit] |
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While Germanicus was spending the summer in
visits to several provinces, Drusus gained no little glory by sowing discord
among the Germans and urging them to complete the destruction of the now
broken power of Maroboduus. Among the Gotones was a youth of noble birth,
Catualda by name, who had formerly been driven into exile by the might of
Maroboduus, and who now, when the king's fortunes were declining, ventured on
revenge. He entered the territory of the Marcomanni with a strong force, and,
having corruptly won over the nobles to join him, burst into the palace and
into an adjacent fortress. There he found the long-accumulated plunder of the
Suevi and camp followers and traders from our provinces who had been
attracted to an enemy's land, each from their various homes, first by the
freedom of commerce, next by the desire of amassing wealth, finally by
forgetfulness of their fatherland. |
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63[edit] |
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Maroboduus, now utterly deserted, had no
resource but in the mercy of Caesar. Having crossed the Danube where it flows
by the province of Noricum, he wrote to Tiberius, not like a fugitive or a
suppliant, but as one who remembered his past greatness. When as a most
famous king in former days he received invitations from many nations, he had
still, he said, preferred the friendship of Rome. Caesar replied that he
should have a safe and honourable home in Italy, if he would remain there,
or, if his interests required something different, he might leave it under
the same protection under which he had come. But in the Senate he maintained
that Philip had not been so formidable to the Athenians, or Pyrrhus or
Antiochus to the Roman people, as was Maroboduus. The speech is extant, and
in it he magnifies the man's power, the ferocity of the tribes under his
sway, his proximity to Italy as a foe, finally his own measures for his
overthrow. The result was that Maroboduus was kept at Ravenna, where his
possible return was a menace to the Suevi, should they ever disdain
obedience. But he never left Italy for eighteen years, living to old age and
losing much of his renown through an excessive clinging to life. Catualda had
a like downfall and no better refuge. Driven out soon afterwards by the
overwhelming strength of the Hermundusi led by Vibilius, he was received and
sent to Forum Julii, a colony of Narbonensian Gaul. The barbarians who
followed the two kings, lest they might disturb the peace of the provinces by
mingling with the population, were settled beyond the Danube between the
rivers Marus and Cusus, under a king, Vannius, of the nation of the Quadi. |
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64[edit] |
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Tidings having also arrived of Artaxias being
made king of Armenia by Germanicus, the Senate decreed that both he and
Drusus should enter the city with an ovation. Arches too were raised round
the sides of the temple of Mars the Avenger, with statues of the two Caesars.
Tiberius was the more delighted at having established peace by wise policy
than if he had finished a war by battle. And so next he planned a crafty
scheme against Rhescuporis, king of Thrace. That entire country had been in
the possession of Rhoemetalces, after whose death Augustus assigned half to
the king's brother Rhescuporis, half to his son Cotys. In this division the
cultivated lands, the towns, and what bordered on Greek territories, fell to
Cotys; the wild and barbarous portion, with enemies on its frontier, to
Rhescuporis. The kings too themselves differed, Cotys having a gentle and
kindly temper, the other a fierce and ambitious spirit, which could not brook
a partner. Still at first they lived in a hollow friendship, but soon
Rhescuporis overstepped his bounds and appropriated to himself what had been
given to Cotys, using force when he was resisted, though somewhat timidly
under Augustus, who having created both kingdoms would, he feared, avenge any
contempt of his arrangement. When however he heard of the change of emperor,
he let loose bands of freebooters and razed the fortresses, as a provocation
to war. |
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65[edit] |
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Nothing made Tiberius so uneasy as an
apprehension of the disturbance of any settlement. He commissioned a
centurion to tell the kings not to decide their dispute by arms. Cotys at
once dismissed the forces which he had prepared. Rhescuporis, with assumed
modesty, asked for a place of meeting where, he said, they might settle their
differences by an interview. There was little hesitation in fixing on a time,
a place, finally on terms, as every point was mutually conceded and accepted,
by the one out of good nature, by the other with a treacherous intent.
Rhescuporis, to ratify the treaty, as he said, further proposed a banquet;
and when their mirth had been prolonged far into the night, and Cotys amid
the feasting and the wine was unsuspicious of danger, he loaded him with
chains, though he appealed, on perceiving the perfidy, to the sacred
character of a king, to the gods of their common house, and to the hospitable
board. Having possessed himself of all Thrace, he wrote word to Tiberius that
a plot had been formed against him, and that he had forestalled the plotter.
Meanwhile, under pretext of a war against the Bastarnian and Scythian tribes,
he was strengthening himself with fresh forces of infantry and cavalry. He
received a conciliatory answer. If there was no treachery in his conduct, he
could rely on his innocence, but neither the emperor nor the Senate would
decide on the right or wrong of his cause without hearing it. He was
therefore to surrender Cotys, come in person transfer from himself the odium
of the charge. |
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1[edit] |
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THE destruction of
Messalina shook the imperial house; for a strife arose among the freedmen,
who should choose a wife for Claudius, impatient as he was of a single life
and submissive to eat the rule of wives. The ladies were fired with no less
jealousy. Each insisted on her rank, beauty, and fortune, and pointed to her
claims to such a marriage. But the keenest competition was between Lollia
Paulina, the daughter of Marcus Lollius, an ex-consul, and Julia Agrippina,
the daughter of Germanicus. Callistus favoured the first, Pallas the second.
Aelia Paetina however, of the family of the Tuberones, had the support of
Narcissus. The emperor, who inclined now one way, now another, as he listened
to this or that adviser, summoned the disputants to a conference and bade
them express their opinions and give their reasons. |
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Narcissus dwelt on the marriage of years gone
by, on the tie of offspring, for Paetina was the mother of Antonia, and on
the advantage of excluding a new element from his household, by the return of
a wife to whom he was accustomed, and who would assuredly not look with a
stepmother's animosity on Britannicus and Octavia, who were next in her
affections to her own children. Callistus argued that she was compromised by
her long separation, and that were she to be taken back, she would be
supercilious on the strength of it. It would be far better to introduce
Lollia, for, as she had no children of her own, she would be free from
jealousy, and would take the place of a mother towards her stepchildren.
Pallas again selected Agrippina for special commendation because she would
bring with her Germanicus's grandson, who was thoroughly worthy of imperial
rank, the scion of a noble house and a link to unite the descendants of the
Claudian family. He hoped that a woman who was the mother of many children
and still in the freshness of youth, would not carry off the grandeur of the
Caesars to some other house. |
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3[edit] |
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This advice prevailed, backed up as it was by
Agrippina's charms. On the pretext of her relationship, she paid frequent
visits to her uncle, and so won his heart, that she was preferred to the
others, and, though not yet his wife, already possessed a wife's power. For
as soon as she was sure of her marriage, she began to aim at greater things,
and planned an alliance between Domitius, her son by Cneius Aenobarbus, and
Octavia, the emperor's daughter. This could not be accomplished without a
crime, for the emperor had betrothed Octavia to Lucius Silanus, a young man
otherwise famous, whom he had brought forward as a candidate for popular
favour by the honour of triumphal distinctions and by a magnificent
gladiatorial show. But no difficulty seemed to be presented by the temper of
a sovereign who had neither partialities nor dislikes, but such as were
suggested and dictated to him. |
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4[edit] |
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Vitellius accordingly, who used the name of
censor to screen a slave's trickeries, and looked forward to new despotisms,
already impending, associated himself in Agrippina's plans, with a view to
her favour, and began to bring charges against Silanus, whose sister, Junia
Calvina, a handsome and lively girl, had shortly before become his
daughter-in-law. Here was a starting point for an accuser. Vitellius put an
infamous construction on the somewhat incautious though not criminal love
between the brother and sister. The emperor listened, for his affection for
his daughter inclined him the more to admit suspicions against his
son-in-law. Silanus meanwhile, who knew nothing of the plot, and happened
that year to be praetor, was suddenly expelled from the Senate by an edict of
Vitellius, though the roll of Senators had been recently reviewed and the
lustrum closed. Claudius at the same time broke off the connection; Silanus
was forced to resign his office, and the one remaining day of his praetorship
was conferred on Eprius Marcellus. |
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5[edit] |
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In the year of the consulship of Caius
Pompeius and Quintus Veranius, the marriage arranged between Claudius and
Agrippina was confirmed both by popular rumour and by their own illicit love.
Still, they did not yet dare to celebrate the nuptials in due form, for there
was no precedent for the introduction of a niece into an uncle's house. It
was positively incest, and if disregarded, it would, people feared, issue in
calamity to the State. These scruples ceased not till Vitellius undertook the
management of the matter in his own way. He asked the emperor whether he
would yield to the recommendations of the people and to the authority of the
Senate. When Claudius replied that he was one among the citizens and could
not resist their unanimous voice, Vitellius requested him to wait in the
palace, while he himself went to the Senate. Protesting that the supreme
interest of the commonwealth was at stake, he begged to be allowed to speak
first, and then began to urge that the very burdensome labours of the emperor
in a world-wide administration, required assistance, so that, free from
domestic cares, he might consult the public welfare. How again could there be
a more virtuous relief for the mind of an imperial censor than the taking of
a wife to share his prosperity and his troubles, to whom he might intrust his
inmost thoughts and the care of his young children, unused as he was to
luxury and pleasure, and wont from his earliest youth to obey the laws. |
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6[edit] |
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Vitellius, having first put forward these
arguments in a conciliatory speech, and met with decided acquiescence from
the Senate, began afresh to point out, that, as they all recommended the
emperor's marriage, they ought to select a lady conspicuous for noble rank
and purity, herself too the mother of children. "It cannot," he
said, "be long a question that Agrippina stands first in nobility of
birth. She has given proof too that she is not barren, and she has suitable
moral qualities. It is, again, a singular advantage to us, due to divine
providence, for a widow to be united to an emperor who has limited himself to
his own lawful wives. We have heard from our fathers, we have ourselves seen
that married women were seized at the caprice of the Caesars. This is quite
alien to the propriety of our day. Rather let a precedent be now set for the
taking of a wife by an emperor. But, it will be said, marriage with a
brother's daughter is with us a novelty. True; but it is common in other countries,
and there is no law to forbid it. Marriages of cousins were long unknown, but
after a time they became frequent. Custom adapts itself to expediency, and
this novelty will hereafter take its place among recognized usages." |
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7[edit] |
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There were some who rushed out of the Senate
passionately protesting that if the emperor hesitated, they would use
violence. A promiscuous throng assembled, and kept exclaiming that the same
too was the prayer of the Roman people. Claudius without further delay
presented himself in the forum to their congratulations; then entering the
Senate, he asked from them a decree which should decide that for the future
marriages between uncles and brothers' daughters should be legal. There was,
however, found only one person who desired such a marriage, Alledius Severus,
a Roman knight, who, as many said, was swayed by the influence of Agrippina.
Then came a revolution in the State, and everything was under the control of
a woman, who did not, like Messalina, insult Rome by loose manners. It was a
stringent, and, so to say, masculine despotism; there was sternness and
generally arrogance in public, no sort of immodesty at home, unless it
conduced to power. A boundless greed of wealth was veiled under the pretext
that riches were being accumulated as a prop to the throne. |
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8[edit] |
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On the day of the marriage Silanus committed
suicide, having up to that time prolonged his hope of life, or else choosing
that day to heighten the popular indignation. His sister, Calvina, was
banished from Italy. Claudius further added that sacrifices after the
ordinances of King Tullius, and atonements were to be offered by the pontiffs
in the grove of Diana, amid general ridicule at the idea devising penalties
and propitiations for incest at such a time. Agrippina, that she might not be
conspicuous only by her evil deeds, procured for Annaeus Seneca a remission
of his exile, and with it the praetorship. She thought this would be
universally welcome, from the celebrity of his attainments, and it was her
wish too for the boyhood of Domitius to be trained under so excellent an
instructor, and for them to have the benefit of his counsels in their designs
on the throne. For Seneca, it was believed, was devoted to Agrippina from a
remembrance of her kindness, and an enemy to Claudius from a bitter sense of
wrong. |
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9[edit] |
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It was then resolved to delay no longer.
Memmius Pollio, the consul-elect, was induced by great promises to deliver a
speech, praying Claudius to betroth Octavia to Domitius. The match was not
unsuitable to the age of either, and was likely to develop still more
important results. Pollio introduced the motion in much the same language as
Vitellius had lately used. So Octavia was betrothed, and Domitius, besides
his previous relationship, became now the emperor's affianced son-in-law, and
an equal of Britannicus, through the exertions of his mother and the cunning
of those who had been the accusers of Messalina, and feared the vengeance of
her son. |
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10[edit] |
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About the same time an embassy from the
Parthians, which had been sent, as I have stated, to solicit the return of
Meherdates, was introduced into the Senate, and delivered a message to the
following effect:- "They were not," they said, "unaware of the
treaty of alliance, nor did their coming imply any revolt from the family of
the Arsacids; indeed, even the son of Vonones, Phraates's grandson, was with
them in their resistance to the despotism of Gotarzes, which was alike
intolerable to the nobility and to the people. Already brothers, relatives,
and distant kin had been swept off by murder after murder; wives actually
pregnant, and tender children were added to Gotarzes' victims, while,
slothful at home and unsuccessful in war, he made cruelty a screen for his
feebleness. Between the Parthians and ourselves there was an ancient
friendship, founded on a state alliance, and we ought to support allies who
were our rivals in strength, and yet yielded to us out of respect. Kings'
sons were given as hostages, in order that when Parthia was tired of home
rule, it might fall back on the emperor and the Senate, and receive from them
a better sovereign, familiar with Roman habits." |
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11[edit] |
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In answer to these and like arguments
Claudius began to speak of the grandeur of Rome and the submissive attitude
of the Parthians. He compared himself to the Divine Augustus, from whom, he
reminded them, they had sought a king, but omitted to mention Tiberius,
though he too had sent them sovereigns. He added some advice for Meherdates,
who was present, and told him not to be thinking of a despot and his slaves,
but rather of a ruler among fellow citizens, and to practise clemency and
justice which barbarians would like the more for being unused to them. Then
he turned to the envoys and bestowed high praise on the young foster-son of
Rome, as one whose self-control had hitherto been exemplary.
"Still," he said, "they must bear with the caprices of kings,
and frequent revolutions were bad. Rome, sated with her glory, had reached
such a height that, she wished even foreign nations to enjoy repose."
Upon this Caius Cassius, governor of Syria, was commissioned to escort the
young prince to the bank of the Euphrates. |
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12[edit] |
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Cassius was at that time pre-eminent for
legal learning. The profession of the soldier is forgotten in a quiet period,
and peace reduces the enterprising and indolent to an equality. But Cassius,
as far as it was possible without war, revived ancient discipline, kept
exercising the legions, in short, used as much diligence and precaution as if
an enemy were threatening him. This conduct he counted worthy of his
ancestors and of the Cassian family which had won renown even in those
countries. He then summoned those at whose suggestion a king had been sought
from Rome, and having encamped at Zeugma where the river was most easily
fordable and awaited the arrival of the chief men of Parthia and of Acbarus,
king of the Arabs, he reminded Meherdates that the impulsive enthusiasm of
barbarians soon flags from delay or even changes into treachery, and that
therefore he should urge on his enterprise. The advice was disregarded
through the perfidy Acbarus, by whom the foolish young prince, who thought
that the highest position merely meant self-indulgence, was detained for
several days in the town of Edessa. Although a certain Carenes pressed them
to come and promised easy success if they hastened their arrival, they did
not make for Mesopotamia, which was close to them, but, by a long detour, for
Armenia, then ill-suited to their movements, as winter was beginning. |
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13[edit] |
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As they approached the plains, wearied with
the snows and mountains, they were joined by the forces of Carenes, and
having crossed the river Tigris they traversed the country of the Adiabeni,
whose king Izates had avowedly embraced the alliance of Meherdates, though
secretly and in better faith he inclined to Gotarzes. In their march they
captured the city of Ninos, the most ancient capital of Assyria, and a
fortress, historically famous, as the spot where the last battle between
Darius and Alexander the power of Persia fell. Gotarzes meantime was offering
vows to the local divinities on a mountain called Sambulos, with special
worship of Hercules, who at a stated time bids the priests in a dream equip
horses for the chase and place them near his temple. When the horses have
been laden with quivers full of arrows, they scour the forest and at length
return at night with empty quivers, panting violently. Again the god in a
vision of the night reveals to them the track along which he roamed through
the woods, and everywhere slaughtered beasts are found. |
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14[edit] |
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Gotarzes, his army not being yet in
sufficient force, made the river Corma a line of defence, and though he was
challenged to an engagement by taunting messages, he contrived delays,
shifted his positions and sent emissaries to corrupt the enemy and bribe them
to throw off their allegiance. Izates of the Adiabeni and then Acbarus of the
Arabs deserted with their troops, with their countrymen's characteristic
fickleness, confirming previous experience, that barbarians prefer to seek a
king from Rome than to keep him. Meherdates, stript of his powerful
auxiliaries and suspecting treachery in the rest, resolved, as his last
resource, to risk everything and try the issue of a battle. Nor did Gotarzes,
who was emboldened by the enemy's diminished strength, refuse the challenge.
They fought with terrible courage and doubtful result, till Carenes, who
having beaten down all resistance had advanced too far, was surprised by a
fresh detachment in his rear. Then Meherdates in despair yielded to promises
from Parrhaces, one of his father's adherents, and was by his treachery
delivered in chains to the conqueror. Gotarzes taunted him with being no
kinsman of his or of the Arsacids, but a foreigner and a Roman, and having
cut off his ears, bade him live, a memorial of his own clemency, and a
disgrace to us. After this Gotarzes fell ill and died, and Vonones, who then
ruled the Medes, was summoned to the throne. He was memorable neither for his
good nor bad fortune; he completed a short and inglorious reign, and then the
empire of Parthia passed to his son Vologeses. |
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15[edit] |
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Mithridates of Bosporus, meanwhile, who had
lost his power and was a mere outcast, on learning that the Roman general,
Didius, and the main strength of his army had retired, and that Cotys, a
young prince without experience, was left in his new kingdom with a few
cohorts under Julius Aquila, a Roman knight, disdaining both, roused the
neighbouring tribes, and drew deserters to his standard. At last he collected
an army, drove out the king of the Dandaridae, and possessed himself of his
dominions. When this was known, and the invasion of Bosporus was every moment
expected, Aquila and Cotys, seeing that hostilities had been also resumed by
Zorsines, king of the Siraci, distrusted their own strength, and themselves
too sought the friendship of the foreigner by sending envoys to Eunones, who
was then chief of the Adorsi. There was no difficulty about alliance, when
they pointed to the power of Rome in contrast with the rebel Mithridates. It
was accordingly stipulated that Eunones should engage the enemy with his
cavalry, and the Romans undertake the siege of towns. |
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16[edit] |
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Then the army advanced in regular formation,
the Adorsi in the van and the rear, while the centre was strengthened by the
cohorts, and native troops of Bosporus with Roman arms. Thus the enemy was
defeated, and they reached Soza, a town in Dandarica, which Mithridates had
abandoned, where it was thought expedient to leave a garrison, as the temper
of the people was uncertain. Next they marched on the Siraci, and after
crossing the river Panda besieged the city of Uspe, which stood on high
ground, and had the defence of wall and fosses; only the walls, not being of
stone, but of hurdles and wicker-work with earth between, were too weak to
resist an assault. Towers were raised to a greater height as a means of
annoying the besieged with brands and darts. Had not night stopped the
conflict, the siege would have been begun and finished within one day. |
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17[edit] |
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Next day they sent an embassy asking mercy
for the freeborn, and offering ten thousand slaves. As it would have been
inhuman to slay the prisoners, and very difficult to keep them under guard,
the conquerors rejected the offer, preferring that they should perish by the
just doom of war. The signal for massacre was therefore given to the
soldiers, who had mounted the walls by scaling ladders. The destruction of
Uspe struck terror into the rest of the people, who thought safety impossible
when they saw how armies and ramparts, heights and difficult positions,
rivers and cities, alike yielded to their foe. And so Zorsines, having long
considered whether he should still have regard to the fallen fortunes of
Mithridates or to the kingdom of his fathers, and having at last preferred
his country's interests, gave hostages and prostrated himself before the
emperor's image, to the great glory of the Roman army, which all men knew to
have come after a bloodless victory within three days' march of the river
Tanais. In their return however fortune was not equally favourable; some of
their vessels, as they were sailing back, were driven on the shores of the
Tauri and cut off by the barbarians, who slew the commander of a cohort and
several centurions. |
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18[edit] |
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Meanwhile Mithridates, finding arms an
unavailing resource, considered on whose mercy he was to throw himself. He
feared his brother Cotys, who had once been a traitor, then become his open
enemy. No Roman was on the spot of authority sufficient to make his promises
highly valued. So he turned to Eunones, who had no personal animosity against
him, and had been lately strengthened by his alliance with us. Adapting his
dress and expression of countenance as much as possible to his present
condition, he entered the palace, and throwing himself at the feet of Eunones
he exclaimed, "Mithridates, whom the Romans have sought so many years by
land and sea, stands before you by his own choice. Deal as you please with
the descendant of the great Achaemenes, the only glory of which enemies have
not robbed me." |
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19[edit] |
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The great name of Mithridates, his reverse,
his prayer, full of dignity, deeply affected Eunones. He raised the
suppliant, and commended him for having chosen the nation of the Adorsi and
his own good faith in suing for mercy. He sent at the same time envoys to
Caesar with a letter to this effect, that friendship between emperors of Rome
and sovereigns of powerful peoples was primarily based on a similarity of
fortune, and that between himself and Claudius there was the tie of a common
victory. Wars had glorious endings, whenever matters were settled by an
amnesty. The conquered Zorsines had on this principle been deprived of
nothing. For Mithridates, as he deserved heavier punishment, he asked neither
power nor dominions, only that he might not be led in triumph, and pay the
penalty of death. |
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20[edit] |
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Claudius, though merciful to foreign princes,
was yet in doubt whether it were better to receive the captive with a promise
of safety or to claim his surrender by the sword. To this last he was urged
by resentment at his wrongs, and by thirst for vengeance. On the other hand
it was argued that it would be undertaking a war in a country without roads,
on a harbourless sea, against warlike kings and wandering tribes, on a barren
soil; that a weary disgust would come of tardy movements, and perils of precipitancy;
that the glory of victory would be small, while much disgrace would ensue on
defeat. Why should not the emperor seize the offer and spare the exile, whose
punishment would be the greater, the longer he lived in poverty? Moved by
these considerations, Claudius wrote to Eunones that Mithridates had
certainly merited an extreme and exemplary penalty, which he was not wanting
in power to inflict, but it had been the principle of his ancestors to show
as much forbearance to a suppliant as they showed persistence against a foe.
As for triumphs, they were won over nations and kings hitherto unconquered. |
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21[edit] |
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After this, Mithridates was given up and
brought to Rome by Junius Cilo, the procurator of Pontus. There in the
emperor's presence he was said to have spoken too proudly for his position,
and words uttered by him to the following effect became the popular talk:
"I have not been sent, but have come back to you; if you do not believe
me, let me go and pursue me." He stood too with fearless countenance
when he was exposed to the people's gaze near the Rostra, under military
guard. To Cilo and Aquila were voted, respectively, the consular and
praetorian decorations. |
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22[edit] |
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In the same consulship, Agrippina, who was
terrible in her hatred and detested Lollia, for having competed with her for
the emperor's hand, planned an accusation, through an informer who was to tax
her with having consulted astrologers and magicians and the image of the
Clarian Apollo, about the imperial marriage. Upon this, Claudius, without
hearing the accused, first reminded the Senate of her illustrious rank, that
the sister of Lucius Volusius was her mother, Cotta Messalinus her
granduncle, Memmius Regulus formerly her husband (for of her marriage to
Caius Caesar he purposely said nothing), and then added that she had
mischievous designs on the State, and must have the means of crime taken from
her. Consequently, her property should be confiscated, and she herself
banished from Italy. Thus out of immense wealth only five million sesterces
were left to the exile. Calpurnia too, a lady of high rank, was ruined,
simply because the emperor had praised her beauty in a casual remark, without
any passion for her. And so Agrippina's resentment stopped short of extreme
vengeance. A tribune was despatched to Lollia, who was to force her to
suicide. Next on the prosecution of the Bithynians, Cadius Rufus, was
condemned under the law against extortion. |
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23[edit] |
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Narbon Gaul, for its special reverence of the
Senate, received a privilege. Senators belonging to the province, without
seeking the emperor's approval, were to be allowed to visit their estates, a
right enjoyed by Sicily. Ituraea and Judaea, on the death of their kings,
Sohaemus and Agrippa, were annexed to the province of Syria. It was also
decided that the augury of the public safety, which for twenty-five years had
been neglected, should be revived and henceforth observed. The emperor
likewise widened the sacred precincts of the capital, in conformity with the
ancient usage, according to which, those who had enlarged the empire were
permitted also to extend the boundaries of Rome. But Roman generals, even
after the conquest of great nations, had never exercised this right, except
Lucius Sulla and the Divine Augustus. |
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24[edit] |
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There are various popular accounts of the
ambitious and vainglorious efforts of our kings in this matter. Still, I
think, it is interesting to know accurately the original plan of the
precinct, as it was fixed by Romulus. From the ox market, where we see the
brazen statue of a bull, because that animal is yoked to the plough, a furrow
was drawn to mark out the town, so as to embrace the great altar of Hercules;
then, at regular intervals, stones were placed along the foot of the Palatine
hill to the altar of Consus, soon afterwards, to the old Courts, and then to
the chapel of Larunda. The Roman forum and the Capitol were not, it was
supposed, added to the city by Romulus, but by Titus Tatius. In time, the
precinct was enlarged with the growth of Rome's fortunes. The boundaries now
fixed by Claudius may be easily recognized, as they are specified in the
public records. |
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25[edit] |
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In the consulship of Caius Antistius and
Marcus Suilius, the adoption of Domitius was hastened on by the influence of
Pallas. Bound to Agrippina, first as the promoter of her marriage, then as
her paramour, he still urged Claudius to think of the interests of the State,
and to provide some support for the tender years of Britannicus.
"So," he said, "it had been with the Divine Augustus, whose
stepsons, though he had grandsons to be his stay, had been promoted; Tiberius
too, though he had offspring of his own, had adopted Germanicus. Claudius
also would do well to strengthen himself with a young prince who could share
his cares with him." Overcome by these arguments, the emperor preferred
Domitius to his own son, though he was but two years older, and made a speech
in the senate, the same in substance as the representations of his freedman.
It was noted by learned men, that no previous example of adoption into the
patrician family of the Claudii was to be found; and that from Attus Clausus
there had been one unbroken line. |
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26[edit] |
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However, the emperor received formal thanks,
and still more elaborate flattery was paid to Domitius. A law was passed,
adopting him into the Claudian family with the name of Nero. Agrippina too
was honoured with the title of Augusta. When this had been done, there was
not a person so void of pity as not to feel keen sorrow at the position of
Britannicus. Gradually forsaken by the very slaves who waited on him, he
turned into ridicule the ill-timed attentions of his stepmother, perceiving
their insincerity. For he is said to have had by no means a dull
understanding; and this is either a fact, or perhaps his perils won him
sympathy, and so he possessed the credit of it, without actual evidence. |
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27[edit] |
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Agrippina, to show her power even to the
allied nations, procured the despatch of a colony of veterans to the chief
town of the Ubii, where she was born. The place was named after her. Agrippa,
her grandfather, had, as it happened, received this tribe, when they crossed
the Rhine, under our protection. During the same time, there was a panic in
Upper Germany through an irruption of plundering bands of Chatti. Thereupon
Lucius Pomponius, who was in command, directed the Vangiones and Nemetes,
with the allied cavalry, to anticipate the raid, and suddenly to fall upon
them from every quarter while they were dispersed. The general's plan was
backed up by the energy of the troops. These were divided into two columns;
and those who marched to the left cut off the plunderers, just on their
return, after a riotous enjoyment of their spoil, when they were heavy with
sleep. It added to the men's joy that they had rescued from slavery after
forty years some survivors of the defeat of Varus. |
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28[edit] |
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The column which took the right-hand and the
shorter route, inflicted greater loss on the enemy who met them, and ventured
on a battle. With much spoil and glory they returned to Mount Taunus, where
Pomponius was waiting with the legions, to see whether the Chatti, in their
eagerness for vengeance, would give him a chance of fighting. They however
fearing to be hemmed in on one side by the Romans, on the other by the
Cherusci, with whom they are perpetually at feud, sent envoys and hostages to
Rome. To Pomponius was decreed the honour of a triumph; a mere fraction of
his renown with the next generation, with whom his poems constitute his chief
glory. |
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29[edit] |
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At this same time, Vannius, whom Drusus
Caesar had made king of the Suevi, was driven from his kingdom. In the
commencement of his reign he was renowned and popular with his countrymen;
but subsequently, with long possession, he became a tyrant, and the enmity of
neighbours, joined to intestine strife, was his ruin. Vibillius, king of the
Hermunduri, and Vangio and Sido, sons of a sister of Vannius, led the
movement. Claudius, though often entreated, declined to interpose by arms in
the conflict of the barbarians, and simply promised Vannius a safe refuge in
the event of his expulsion. He wrote instructions to Publius Atellius Hister,
governor of Pannonia, that he was to have his legions, with some picked
auxiliaries from the province itself, encamped on the riverbank, as a support
to the conquered and a terror to the conqueror, who might otherwise, in the
elation of success, disturb also the peace of our empire. For an immense host
of Ligii, with other tribes, was advancing, attracted by the fame of the
opulent realm which Vannius had enriched during thirty years of plunder and
of tribute. Vannius's own native force was infantry, and his cavalry was from
the Iazyges of Sarmatia; an army which was no match for his numerous enemy.
Consequently, he determined to maintain himself in fortified positions, and
protract the war. |
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30[edit] |
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But the Iazyges, who could not endure a
siege, dispersed themselves throughout the surrounding country and rendered
an engagement inevitable, as the Ligii and Hermunduri had there rushed to the
attack. So Vannius came down out of his fortresses, and though he was
defeated in battle, notwithstanding his reverse, he won some credit by having
fought with his own hand, and received wounds on his breast. He then fled to
the fleet which was awaiting him on the Danube, and was soon followed by his
adherents, who received grants of land and were settled in Pannonia. Vangio
and Sido divided his kingdom between them; they were admirably loyal to us,
and among their subjects, whether the cause was in themselves or in the
nature of despotism, much loved, while seeking to acquire power, and yet more
hated when they had acquired it. |
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31[edit] |
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Meanwhile, in Britain, Publius Ostorius, the
propraetor, found himself confronted by disturbance. The enemy had burst into
the territories of our allies with all the more fury, as they imagined that a
new general would not march against them with winter beginning and with an
army of which he knew nothing. Ostorius, well aware that first events are
those which produce alarm or confidence, by a rapid movement of his light
cohorts, cut down all who opposed him, pursued those who fled, and lest they
should rally, and so an unquiet and treacherous peace might allow no rest to
the general and his troops, he prepared to disarm all whom he suspected, and
to occupy with encampments the whole country to the Avon and Severn. The
Iceni, a powerful tribe, which war had not weakened, as they had voluntarily
joined our alliance, were the first to resist. At their instigation the
surrounding nations chose as a battlefield a spot walled in by a rude
barrier, with a narrow approach, impenetrable to cavalry. Through these
defences the Roman general, though he had with him only the allied troops,
without the strength of the legions, attempted to break, and having assigned
their positions to his cohorts, he equipped even his cavalry for the work of
infantry. Then at a given signal they forced the barrier, routing the enemy
who were entangled in their own defences. The rebels, conscious of their
guilt, and finding escape barred, performed many noble feats. In this battle,
Marius Ostorius, the general's son, won the reward for saving a citizen's
life. |
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The defeat of the Iceni quieted those who
were hesitating between war and peace. Then the army was marched against the
Cangi; their territory was ravaged, spoil taken everywhere without the enemy
venturing on an engagement, or if they attempted to harass our march by
stealthy attacks, their cunning was always punished. And now Ostorius had
advanced within a little distance of the sea, facing the island Hibernia,
when feuds broke out among the Brigantes and compelled the general's return,
for it was his fixed purpose not to undertake any fresh enterprise till he
had consolidated his previous successes. The Brigantes indeed, when a few who
were beginning hostilities had been slain and the rest pardoned, settled down
quietly; but on the Silures neither terror nor mercy had the least effect;
they persisted in war and could be quelled only by legions encamped in their
country. That this might be the more promptly effected, a colony of a strong
body of veterans was established at Camulodunum on the conquered lands, as a
defence against the rebels, and as a means of imbuing the allies with respect
for our laws. |
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The army then marched against the Silures, a
naturally fierce people and now full of confidence in the might of
Caractacus, who by many an indecisive and many a successful battle had raised
himself far above all the other generals of the Britons. Inferior in military
strength, but deriving an advantage from the deceptiveness of the country, he
at once shifted the war by a stratagem into the territory of the Ordovices,
where, joined by all who dreaded peace with us, he resolved on a final
struggle. He selected a position for the engagement in which advance and
retreat alike would be difficult for our men and comparatively easy for his
own, and then on some lofty hills, wherever their sides could be approached
by a gentle slope, he piled up stones to serve as a rampart. A river too of
varying depth was in his front, and his armed bands were drawn up before his
defences. |
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Then too the chieftains of the several tribes
went from rank to rank, encouraging and confirming the spirit of their men by
making light of their fears, kindling their hopes, and by every other warlike
incitement. As for Caractacus, he flew hither and thither, protesting that
that day and that battle would be the beginning of the recovery of their
freedom, or of everlasting bondage. He appealed, by name, to their
forefathers who had driven back the dictator Caesar, by whose valour they
were free from the Roman axe and tribute, and still preserved inviolate the
persons of their wives and of their children. While he was thus speaking, the
host shouted applause; every warrior bound himself by his national oath not
to shrink from weapons or wounds. |
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Such enthusiasm confounded the Roman general.
The river too in his face, the rampart they had added to it, the frowning
hilltops, the stern resistance and masses of fighting men everywhere
apparent, daunted him. But his soldiers insisted on battle, exclaiming that
valour could overcome all things; and the prefects and tribunes, with similar
language, stimulated the ardour of the troops. Ostorius having ascertained by
a survey the inaccessible and the assailable points of the position, led on
his furious men, and crossed the river without difficulty. When he reached
the barrier, as long as it was a fight with missiles, the wounds and the
slaughter fell chiefly on our soldiers; but when he had formed the military
testudo, and the rude, ill-compacted fence of stones was torn down, and it
was an equal hand-to-hand engagement, the barbarians retired to the heights.
Yet even there, both light and heavy-armed soldiers rushed to the attack; the
first harassed the foe with missiles, while the latter closed with them, and
the opposing ranks of the Britons were broken, destitute as they were of the
defence of breast-plates or helmets. When they faced the auxiliaries, they
were felled by the swords and javelins of our legionaries; if they wheeled
round, they were again met by the sabres and spears of the auxiliaries. It
was a glorious victory; the wife and daughter of Caractacus were captured,
and his brothers too were admitted to surrender. |
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There is seldom safety for the unfortunate,
and Caractacus, seeking the protection of Cartimandua, queen of the
Brigantes, was put in chains and delivered up to the conquerors, nine years
after the beginning of the war in Britain. His fame had spread thence, and
travelled to the neighbouring islands and provinces, and was actually
celebrated in Italy. All were eager to see the great man, who for so many
years had defied our power. Even at Rome the name of Caractacus was no
obscure one; and the emperor, while he exalted his own glory, enhanced the
renown of the vanquished. The people were summoned as to a grand spectacle;
the praetorian cohorts were drawn up under arms in the plain in front of
their camp; then came a procession of the royal vassals, and the ornaments
and neck-chains and the spoils which the king had won in wars with other
tribes, were displayed. Next were to be seen his brothers, his wife and
daughter; last of all, Caractacus himself. All the rest stooped in their fear
to abject supplication; not so the king, who neither by humble look nor
speech sought compassion. |
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When he was set before the emperor's
tribunal, he spoke as follows: "Had my moderation in prosperity been
equal to my noble birth and fortune, I should have entered this city as your
friend rather than as your captive; and you would not have disdained to
receive, under a treaty of peace, a king descended from illustrious ancestors
and ruling many nations. My present lot is as glorious to you as it is
degrading to myself. I had men and horses, arms and wealth. What wonder if I
parted with them reluctantly? If you Romans choose to lord it over the world,
does it follow that the world is to accept slavery? Were I to have been at
once delivered up as a prisoner, neither my fall nor your triumph would have
become famous. My punishment would be followed by oblivion, whereas, if you
save my life, I shall be an everlasting memorial of your clemency." Upon
this the emperor granted pardon to Caractacus, to his wife, and to his
brothers. Released from their bonds, they did homage also to Agrippina who sat
near, conspicuous on another throne, in the same language of praise and
gratitude. It was indeed a novelty, quite alien to ancient manners, for a
woman to sit in front of Roman standards. In fact, Agrippina boasted that she
was herself a partner in the empire which her ancestors had won. |
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The Senate was then assembled, and speeches
were delivered full of pompous eulogy on the capture of Caractacus. It was as
glorious, they said, as the display of Syphax by Scipio, or of Perses by
Lucius Paulus, or indeed of any captive prince by any of our generals to the
people of Rome. Triumphal distinctions were voted to Ostorius, who thus far
had been successful, but soon afterwards met with reverses; either because,
when Caractacus was out of the way, our discipline was relaxed under an
impression that the war was ended, or because the enemy, out of compassion
for so great a king, was more ardent in his thirst for vengeance. Instantly
they rushed from all parts on the camp-prefect, and legionary cohorts left to
establish fortified positions among the Silures, and had not speedy succour
arrived from towns and fortresses in the neighbourhood, our forces would then
have been totally destroyed. Even as it was, the camp-prefect, with eight
centurions, and the bravest of the soldiers, were slain; and shortly
afterwards, a foraging party of our men, with some cavalry squadrons sent to
their support, was utterly routed. |
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Ostorius then deployed his light cohorts, but
even thus he did not stop the flight, till our legions sustained the brunt of
the battle. Their strength equalized the conflict, which after a while was in
our favour. The enemy fled with trifling loss, as the day was on the decline.
Now began a series of skirmishes, for the most part like raids, in woods and
morasses, with encounters due to chance or to courage, to mere heedlessness
or to calculation, to fury or to lust of plunder, under directions from the
officers, or sometimes even without their knowledge. Conspicuous above all in
stubborn resistance were the Silures, whose rage was fired by words rumoured
to have been spoken by the Roman general, to the effect, that as the Sugambri
had been formerly destroyed or transplanted into Gaul, so the name of the
Silures ought to be blotted out. Accordingly they cut off two of our
auxiliary cohorts, the rapacity of whose officers let them make incautious
forays; and by liberal gifts of spoil and prisoners to the other tribes, they
were luring them too into revolt, when Ostorius, worn out by the burden of
his anxieties, died, to the joy of the enemy, who thought that a campaign at
least, though not a single battle, had proved fatal to general whom none
could despise. |
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The emperor on hearing of the death of his
representative appointed Aulus Didius in his place, that the province might
not be left without a governor. Didius, though he quickly arrived, found
matters far from prosperous, for the legion under the command of Manlius
Valens had meanwhile been defeated, and the disaster had been exaggerated by
the enemy to alarm the new general, while he again magnified it, that he
might win the more glory by quelling the movement or have a fairer excuse if
it lasted. This loss too had been inflicted on us by the Silures, and they
were scouring the country far and wide, till Didius hurried up and dispersed
them. After the capture of Caractacus, Venutius of the Brigantes, as I have
already mentioned, was pre-eminent in military skill; he had long been loyal
to Rome and had been defended by our arms while he was united in marriage to
the queen Cartismandua. Subsequently a quarrel broke out between them,
followed instantly by war, and he then assumed a hostile attitude also towards
us. At first, however, they simply fought against each other, and
Cartismandua by cunning stratagems captured the brothers and kinsfolk of
Venutius. This enraged the enemy, who were stung with shame at the prospect
of falling under the dominion of a woman. The flower of their youth, picked
out for war, invaded her kingdom. This we had foreseen; some cohorts were
sent to her aid and a sharp contest followed, which was at first doubtful but
had a satisfactory termination. The legion under the command of Caesius
Nasica fought with a similar result. For Didius, burdened with years and
covered with honours, was content with acting through his officers and merely
holding back the enemy. These transactions, though occurring under two
propraetors, and occupying several years, I have closely connected, lest, if
related separately, they might be less easily remembered. I now return to the
chronological order. |
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41[edit] |
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In the fifth consulship of Tiberius Claudius
with Sextius Cornelius Orfitus for his colleague, Nero was prematurely
invested with the dress of manhood, that he might be thought qualified for
political life. The emperor willingly complied with the flatteries of the
Senate who wished Nero to enter on the consulship in his twentieth year, and
meanwhile, as consul-elect, to have pro-consular authority beyond the limits
of the capital with the title of "prince of the youth of Rome." A
donative was also given to the soldiery in Nero's name, and presents to the
city populace. At the games too of the circus which were then being
celebrated to win for him popular favour, Britannicus wore the dress of
boyhood, Nero the triumphal robe, as they rode in the procession. The people
would thus behold the one with the decorations of a general, the other in a
boy's habit, and would accordingly anticipate their respective destinies. At
the same time those of the centurions and tribunes who pitied the lot of Britannicus
were removed, some on false pretexts, others by way of a seeming compliment.
Even of the freedmen, all who were of incorruptible fidelity were discarded
on the following provocation. Once when they met, Nero greeted Britannicus by
that name and was greeted in return as Domitius. Agrippina reported this to
her husband, with bitter complaint, as the beginning of a quarrel, as
implying, in fact, contempt of Nero's adoption and a cancelling at home of
the Senate's decree and the people's vote. She said, too, that, if the
perversity of such malignant suggestions were not checked, it would issue in
the ruin of the State. Claudius, enraged by what he took as a grave charge,
punished with banishment or death all his son's best instructors, and set persons
appointed by his stepmother to have the care of him. |
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Still Agrippina did not yet dare to attempt
her greatest scheme, unless Lusius Geta and Rufius Crispinus were removed
from the command of the praetorian cohorts; for she thought that they
cherished Messalina's memory and were devoted to her children. Accordingly,
as the emperor's wife persistently affirmed that faction was rife among these
cohorts through the rivalry of the two officers, and that there would be
stricter discipline under one commander, the appointment was transferred to
Burrus Afranius, who had a brilliant reputation as a soldier, but knew well
to whose wish he owed his promotion. Agrippina, too, continued to exalt her
own dignity; she would enter the Capitol in a chariot, a practice, which
being allowed of old only to the priests and sacred images, increased the
popular reverence for a woman who up to this time was the only recorded
instance of one who, an emperor's daughter, was sister, wife, and mother of a
sovereign. Meanwhile her foremost champion, Vitellius, in the full tide of his
power and in extreme age (so uncertain are the fortunes of the great) was
attacked by an accusation of which Junius Lupus, a senator, was the author.
He was charged with treason and designs on the throne. The emperor would have
lent a ready ear, had not Agrippina, by threats rather than entreaties,
induced him to sentence the accuser to outlawry. This was all that Vitellius
desired. |
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43[edit] |
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Several prodigies occurred in that year.
Birds of evil omen perched on the Capitol; houses were thrown down by
frequent shocks of earthquake, and as the panic spread, all the weak were
trodden down in the hurry and confusion of the crowd. Scanty crops too, and
consequent famine were regarded as a token of calamity. Nor were there merely
whispered complaints; while Claudius was administering justice, the populace
crowded round him with a boisterous clamour and drove him to a corner of the
forum, where they violently pressed on him till he broke through the furious
mob with a body of soldiers. It was ascertained that Rome had provisions for
no more than fifteen days, and it was through the signal bounty of heaven and
the mildness of the winter that its desperate plight was relieved. And yet in
past days Italy used to send supplies for the legions into distant provinces,
and even now it is not a barren soil which causes distress. But we prefer to
cultivate Africa and Egypt, and trust the life of the Roman people to ships
and all their risks. |
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In the same year war broke out between the
Armenians and Iberians, and was the cause of very serious disturbances
between Parthia and Rome. Vologeses was king of the Parthians; on the
mother's side, he was the offspring of a Greek concubine, and he obtained the
throne by the retirement of his brothers. Pharasmanes had been long in
possession of Iberia, and his brother, Mithridates, ruled Armenia with our
powerful support. There was a son of Pharasmanes named Rhadamistus, tall and
handsome, of singular bodily strength, trained in all the accomplishments of
his countrymen and highly renowned among his neighbours. He boasted so
arrogantly and persistently that his father's prolonged old age kept back
from him the little kingdom of Iberia as to make no concealment of his
ambition. Pharasmanes accordingly seeing the young prince had power in his
grasp and was strong in the attachment of his people, fearing too his own
declining years, tempted him with other prospects and pointed to Armenia,
which, as he reminded him, he had given to Mithridates after driving out the
Parthians. But open violence, he said, must be deferred; artful measures,
which might crush him unawares, were better. So Rhadamistus pretended to be
at feud with his father as though his stepmother's hatred was too strong for
him, and went to his uncle. While he was treated by him like a son, with
excessive kindness, he lured the nobles of Armenia into revolutionary
schemes, without the knowledge of Mithridates, who was actually loading him with
honours. |
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He then assumed a show of reconciliation with
his father, to whom he returned, telling him all that could be accomplished
by treachery was now ready and that he must complete the affair by the sword.
Meanwhile Pharasmanes invented pretexts for war; when he was fighting with
the king of the Albanians and appealing to the Romans for aid, his brother,
he said, had opposed him, and he would now avenge that wrong by his
destruction. At the same time he gave a large army to his son, who by a
sudden invasion drove Mithridates in terror from the open country and forced
him into the fortress of Gorneas, which was strongly situated and garrisoned
by some soldiers under the command of Caelius Pollio, a camp-prefect, and
Casperius, a centurion. There is nothing of which barbarians are so ignorant
as military engines and the skilful management of sieges, while that is a
branch of military science which we especially understand. And so Rhadamistus
having attempted the fortified walls in vain or with loss, began a blockade,
and, finding that his assaults were despised, tried to bribe the rapacity of
the camp-prefect. Casperius protested earnestly against the overthrow of an
allied king and of Armenia, the gift of the Roman people, through iniquity
and greed of gain. At last, as Pollio pleaded the overpowering numbers of the
enemy and Rhadamistus the orders of his father, the centurion stipulated for
a truce and retired, intending, if he could not deter Pharasmanes from
further hostilities, to inform Ummidius Quadratus, the governor of Syria, of
the state of Armenia. |
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By the centurion's departure the camp prefect
was released, so to say, from surveillance; and he now urged Mithridates to
conclude a treaty. He reminded him of the tie of brotherhood, of the
seniority in age of Pharasmanes, and of their other bonds of kindred, how he
was united by marriage to his brother's daughter, and was himself the
father-in-law of Rhadamistus. "The Iberians," he said, "were
not against peace, though for the moment they were the stronger; the perfidy
of the Armenians was notorious, and he had nothing to fall back on but a
fortress without stores; so he must not hesitate to prefer a bloodless
negotiation to arms." As Mithridates wavered, and suspected the
intentions of the camp-prefect, because he had seduced one of the king's
concubines and was reputed a man who could be bribed into any wickedness,
Casperius meantime went to Pharasmanes, and required of him that the Iberians
should raise the blockade. Pharasmanes, to his face, replied vaguely and
often in a conciliatory tone, while by secret messages he recommended
Rhadamistus to hurry on the siege by all possible means. Then the price of
infamy was raised, and Pollio by secret corruption induced the soldiers to
demand peace and to threaten that they would abandon the garrison. Under this
compulsion, Mithridates agreed to a day and a place for negotiation and
quitted the fortress. |
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Rhadamistus at first threw himself into his
embraces, feigning respect and calling him father-in-law and parent. He swore
an oath too that he would do him no violence either by the sword or by
poison. At the same time he drew him into a neighbouring grove, where he
assured him that the appointed sacrifice was prepared for the confirmation of
peace in the presence of the gods. It is a custom of these princes, whenever
they join alliance, to unite their right hands and bind together the thumbs
in a tight knot; then, when the blood has flowed into the extremities, they
let it escape by a slight puncture and suck it in turn. Such a treaty is
thought to have a mysterious sanctity, as being sealed with the blood of both
parties. On this occasion he who was applying the knot pretended that it had
fallen off, and suddenly seizing the knees of Mithridates flung him to the
ground. At the same moment a rush was made by a number of persons, and chains
were thrown round him. Then he was dragged along by a fetter, an extreme
degradation to a barbarian; and soon the common people, whom he had held
under a harsh sway, heaped insults on him with menacing gestures, though
some, on the contrary, pitied such a reverse of fortune. His wife followed
him with his little children, and filled every place with her wailings. They
were hidden away in different covered carriages till the orders of
Pharasmanes were distinctly ascertained. The lust of rule was more to him
than his brother and his daughter, and his heart was steeled to any
wickedness. Still he spared his eyes the seeing them slain before his face.
Rhadamistus too, seemingly mindful of his oath, neither unsheathed the sword
nor used poison against his sister and uncle, but had them thrown on the
ground and then smothered them under a mass of heavy clothes. Even the sons
of Mithridates were butchered for having shed tears over their parent's
murder. |
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Quadratus, learning that Mithridates had been
betrayed and that his kingdom was in the hands of his murderers, summoned a
council, and, having informed them of what had occurred, consulted them
whether he should take vengeance. Few cared for the honour of the State; most
argued in favour of a safe course, saying "that any crime in a foreign
country was to be welcomed with joy, and that the seeds of strife ought to be
actually sown, on the very principle on which Roman emperors had often under
a show of generosity given away this same kingdom of Armenia to excite the
minds of the barbarians. Rhadamistus might retain his ill-gotten gains, as
long as he was hated and infamous; for this was more to Rome's interest than
for him to have succeeded with glory." To this view they assented, but
that they might not be thought to have approved the crime and receive
contrary orders from the emperor, envoys were sent to Pharasmanes, requiring
him to withdraw from Armenian territory and remove his son. |
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Julius Pelignus was then procurator of
Cappadocia, a man despised alike for his feebleness of mind and his grotesque
personal appearance. He was however very intimate with Claudius, who, when in
private life, used to beguile the dullness of his leisure with the society of
jesters. This Pelignus collected some provincial auxiliaries, apparently with
the design of recovering Armenia, but, while he plundered allies instead of
enemies, finding himself, through the desertion of his men and the raids of
the barbarians, utterly defenceless, he went to Rhadamistus, whose gifts so
completely overcame him that he positively encouraged him to assume the
ensigns of royalty, and himself assisted at the ceremony, authorizing and
abetting. When the disgraceful news had spread far and wide, lest the world
might judge of other governors by Pelignus, Helvidius Priscus was sent in
command of a legion to regulate, according to circumstances, the disordered
state of affairs. He quickly crossed Mount Taurus, and had restored order to
a great extent more by moderation than by force, when he was ordered to
return to Syria, that nothing might arise to provoke a war with Parthia. |
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50[edit] |
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For Vologeses, thinking that an opportunity
presented itself of invading Armenia, which, though the possession of his
ancestors, was now through a monstrous crime held by a foreign prince, raised
an army and prepared to establish Tiridates on the throne, so that not a
member of his house might be without kingly power. On the advance of the
Parthians, the Iberians dispersed without a battle, and the Armenian cities,
Artaxata and Tigranocerta, submitted to the yoke. Then a frightful winter or
deficient supplies, with pestilence arising from both causes, forced
Vologeses to abandon his present plans. Armenia was thus again without a
king, and was invaded by Rhadamistus, who was now fiercer than ever, looking
on the people as disloyal and sure to rebel on the first opportunity. They
however, though accustomed to be slaves, suddenly threw off their tameness
and gathered round the palace in arms. |
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Rhadamistus had no means of escape but in the
swiftness of the horses which bore him and his wife away. Pregnant as she
was, she endured, somehow or other, out of fear of the enemy and love of her
husband, the first part of the flight, but after a while, when she felt
herself shaken by its continuous speed, she implored to be rescued by an
honourable death from the shame of captivity. He at first embraced, cheered,
and encouraged her, now admiring her heroism, now filled with a sickening
apprehension at the idea of her being left to any man's mercy. Finally, urged
by the intensity of his love and familiarity with dreadful deeds, he
unsheathed his scymitar, and having stabbed her, dragged her to the bank of
the Araxes and committed her to the stream, so that her very body might be
swept away. Then in headlong flight he hurried to Iberia, his ancestral
kingdom. Zenobia meanwhile (this was her name), as she yet breathed and
showed signs of life on the calm water at the river's edge, was perceived by
some shepherds, who inferring from her noble appearance that she was no
base-born woman, bound up her wound and applied to it their rustic remedies.
As soon as they knew her name and her adventure, they conveyed her to the
city of Artaxata, whence she was conducted at the public charge to Tiridates,
who received her kindly and treated her as a royal person. |
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In the consulship of Faustus Sulla and
Salvius Otho, Furius Scribonianus was banished on the ground that he was
consulting the astrologers about the emperor's death. His mother, Junia, was
included in the accusation, as one who still resented the misfortune of exile
which she had suffered in the past. His father, Camillus, had raised an armed
insurrection in Dalmatia, and the emperor in again sparing a hostile family
sought the credit of clemency. But the exile did not live long after this;
whether he was cut off by a natural death, or by poison, was matter of
conflicting rumours, according to people's belief. A decree of the Senate was
then passed for the expulsion of the astrologers from Italy, stringent but
ineffectual. Next the emperor, in a speech, commended all who, from their
limited means, voluntarily retired from the Senatorian order, while those
were degraded from it who, by retaining their seats, added effrontery to
poverty. |
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During these proceedings he proposed to the
Senate a penalty on women who united themselves in marriage to slaves, and it
was decided that those who had thus demeaned themselves, without the
knowledge of the slave's master, should be reduced to slavery; if with his
consent, should be ranked as freedwomen. To Pallas, who, as the emperor
declared, was the author of this proposal, were offered on the motion of
Barea Soranus, consul-elect, the decorations of the praetorship and fifteen
million sesterces. Cornelius Scipio added that he deserved public thanks for
thinking less of his ancient nobility as a descendant from the kings of
Arcadia, than of the welfare of the State, and allowing himself to be
numbered among the emperor's ministers. Claudius assured them that Pallas was
content with the honour, and that he limited himself to his former poverty. A
decree of the Senate was publicly inscribed on a bronze tablet, heaping the
praises of primitive frugality on a freedman, the possessor of three hundred
million sesterces. |
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Not equally moderate was his brother,
surnamed Felix, who had for some time been governor of Judaea, and thought
that he could do any evil act with impunity, backed up as he was by such
power. It is true that the Jews had shown symptoms of commotion in a
seditious outbreak, and when they had heard of the assassination of Caius,
there was no hearty submission, as a fear still lingered that any of the
emperors might impose the same orders. Felix meanwhile, by ill-timed
remedies, stimulated disloyal acts; while he had, as a rival in the worst
wickedness, Ventidius Cumanus, who held a part of the province, which was so
divided that Galilea was governed by Cumanus, Samaria by Felix. The two
peoples had long been at feud, and now less than ever restrained their
enmity, from contempt of their rulers. And accordingly they plundered each
other, letting loose bands of robbers, forming ambuscades, and occasionally
fighting battles, and carrying the spoil and booty to the two procurators,
who at first rejoiced at all this, but, as the mischief grew, they interposed
with an armed force, which was cut to pieces. The flame of war would have
spread through the province, but it was saved by Quadratus, governor of
Syria. In dealing with the Jews, who had been daring enough to slay our
soldiers, there was little hesitation about their being capitally punished.
Some delay indeed was occasioned by Cumanus and Felix; for Claudius on
hearing the causes of the rebellion had given authority for deciding also the
case of these procurators. Quadratus, however, exhibited Felix as one of the
judges, admitting him to the bench with the view of cowing the ardour of the
prosecutors. And so Cumanus was condemned for the crimes which the two had
committed, and tranquillity was restored to the province. |
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55[edit] |
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Not long afterwards some tribes of the wild
population of Cilicia, known as the Clitae, which had often been in
commotion, established a camp, under a leader Troxobor, on their rocky
mountains, whence rushing down on the coast, and on the towns, they dared to
do violence to the farmers and townsfolk, frequently even to the merchants
and shipowners. They besieged the city Anemurium, and routed some troopers
sent from Syria to its rescue under the command of Curtius Severus; for the
rough country in the neighbourhood, suited as it is for the fighting of
infantry, did not allow of cavalry operations. After a time, Antiochus, king
of that coast, having broken the unity of the barbarian forces, by cajolery
of the people and treachery to their leader, slew Troxobor and a few chiefs,
and pacified the rest by gentle measures. |
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56[edit] |
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About the same time, the mountain between
Lake Fucinus and the river Liris was bored through, and that this grand work
might be seen by a multitude of visitors, preparations were made for a naval
battle on the lake, just as formerly Augustus exhibited such a spectacle, in
a basin he had made this side the Tiber, though with light vessels, and on a
smaller scale. Claudius equipped galleys with three and four banks of oars,
and nineteen thousand men; he lined the circumference of the lake with rafts,
that there might be no means of escape at various points, but he still left
full space for the strength of the crews, the skill of the pilots, the impact
of the vessels, and the usual operations of a seafight. On the raft stood
companies of the praetorian cohorts and cavalry, with a breastwork in front
of them, from which catapults and balistas might be worked. The rest of the
lake was occupied by marines on decked vessels. An immense multitude from the
neighbouring towns, others from Rome itself, eager to see the sight or to
show respect to the emperor, crowded the banks, the hills, and mountain tops,
which thus resembled a theatre. The emperor, with Agrippina seated near him,
presided; he wore a splendid military cloak, she, a mantle of cloth of gold.
A battle was fought with all the courage of brave men, though it was between
condemned criminals. After much bloodshed they were released from the
necessity of mutual slaughter. |
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57[edit] |
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When the sight was over, the outlet of the
water was opened. The careless execution of the work was apparent, the tunnel
not having been bored down so low as the bottom, or middle of the lake.
Consequently after an interval the excavations were deepened, and to attract
a crowd once more, a show of gladiators was exhibited, with floating pontoons
for an infantry engagement. A banquet too was prepared close to the outflow
of the lake, and it was the means of greatly alarming the whole company, for
the water, in the violence of its outburst, swept away the adjoining parts,
shook the more remote, and spread terror with the tremendous crash. At the
same time, Agrippina availed herself of the emperor's fright to charge
Narcissus, who had been the agent of the work, with avarice and peculation.
He too was not silent, but inveighed against the domineering temper of her
sex, and her extravagant ambition. |
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58[edit] |
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In the consulship of Didius Junius and
Quintus Haterius, Nero, now sixteen years of age, married Octavia, the
emperor's daughter. Anxious to distinguish himself by noble pursuits, and the
reputation of an orator, he advocated the cause of the people of Ilium, and
having eloquently recounted how Rome was the offspring of Troy, and Aeneas
the founder of the Julian line, with other old traditions akin to myths, he
gained for his clients exemption from all public burdens. His pleading too
procured for the colony of Bononia, which had been ruined by a fire, a
subvention of ten million sesterces. The Rhodians also had their freedom
restored to them, which had often been taken away, or confirmed, according to
their services to us in our foreign wars, or their seditious misdeeds at
home. Apamea, too, which had been shaken by an earthquake, had its tribute
remitted for five years. |
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59[edit] |
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Claudius, on the other hand, was being
prompted to exhibit the worst cruelty by the artifices of the same Agrippina.
On the accusation of Tarquitius Priscus, she ruined Statilius Taurus, who was
famous for his wealth, and at whose gardens she cast a greedy eye. Priscus
had served under Taurus in his proconsular government of Africa, and after
their return charged him with a few acts of extortion, but particularly with
magical and superstitious practices. Taurus, no longer able to endure a false
accusation and an undeserved humiliation, put a violent end to his life
before the Senate's decision was pronounced. Tarquitius was however expelled
from the Senate, a point which the senators carried, out of hatred for the
accuser, notwithstanding the intrigues of Agrippina. |
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60[edit] |
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That same year the emperor was often heard to
say that the legal decisions of the commissioners of the imperial treasury
ought to have the same force as if pronounced by himself. Lest it might be
supposed that he had stumbled inadvertently into this opinion, its principle
was also secured by a decree of the Senate on a more complete and ample scale
than before. It had indeed already been arranged by the Divine Augustus that
the Roman knights who governed Egypt should hear causes, and that their
decisions were to be as binding as those of Roman magistrates, and after a
time most of the cases formerly tried by the praetors were submitted to the
knights. Claudius handed over to them the whole administration of justice for
which there had been by sedition or war so many struggles; the Sempronian
laws vesting judicial power in the equestrian order, and those of Servilius
restoring it to the Senate, while it was for this above everything else that
Marius and Sulla fought of old. But those were days of political conflict
between classes, and the results of victory were binding on the State. Caius
Oppius and Cornelius Balbus were the first who were able, with Caesar's
support, to settle conditions of peace and terms of war. To mention after
them the Matii, Vedii, and other too influential names of Roman knights would
be superfluous, when Claudius, we know, raised freedmen whom he had set over
his household to equality with himself and with the laws. |
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61[edit] |
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Next the emperor proposed to grant immunity
from taxation to the people of Cos, and he dwelt much on their antiquity.
"The Argives or Coeus, the father of Latona, were the earliest
inhabitants of the island; soon afterwards, by the arrival of Aesculapius,
the art of the physician was introduced and was practised with much fame by
his descendants." Claudius named them one by one, with the periods in
which they had respectively flourished. He said too that Xenophon, of whose
medical skill he availed himself, was one of the same family, and that they
ought to grant his request and let the people of Cos dwell free from all
tribute in their sacred island, as a place devoted to the sole service of
their god. It was also certain that many obligations under which they had
laid Rome and joint victories with her might have been recounted. Claudius
however did not seek to veil under any external considerations a concession
he had made, with his usual good nature, to an individual. |
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62[edit] |
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Envoys from Byzantium having received
audience, in complaining to the Senate of their heavy burdens, recapitulated
their whole history. Beginning with the treaty which they concluded with us
when we fought against that king of Macedonia whose supposed spurious birth
acquired for him the name of the Pseudo Philip, they reminded us of the
forces which they had afterwards sent against Antiochus, Perses and
Aristonicus, of the aid they had given Antonius in the pirate-war, of their
offers to Sulla, Lucullus, and Pompeius, and then of their late services to
the Caesars, when they were in occupation of a district peculiarly convenient
for the land or sea passage of generals and armies, as well as for the
conveyance of supplies. |
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63[edit] |
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It was indeed on that very narrow strait
which parts Europe from Asia, at Europe's furthest extremity, that the Greeks
built Byzantium. When they consulted the Pythian Apollo as to where they
should found a city, the oracle replied that they were to seek a home
opposite to the blind men's country. This obscure hint pointed to the people
of Chalcedon, who, though they arrived there first and saw before others the
advantageous position, chose the worse. For Byzantium has a fruitful soil and
productive seas, as immense shoals of fish pour out of the Pontus and are
driven by the sloping surface of the rocks under water to quit the windings
of the Asiatic shore and take refuge in these harbours. Consequently the
inhabitants were at first money-making and wealthy traders, but afterwards,
under the pressure of excessive burdens, they petitioned for immunity or at
least relief, and were supported by the emperor, who argued to the Senate
that, exhausted as they were by the late wars in Thrace and Bosporus, they
deserved help. So their tribute was remitted for five years. |
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64[edit] |
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In the year of the consulship of Marcus
Asinius and Manius Acilius it was seen to be portended by a succession of
prodigies that there were to be political changes for the worse. The
soldiers' standards and tents were set in a blaze by lightning. A swarm of
bees settled on the summit of the Capitol; births of monsters, half man, half
beast, and of a pig with a hawk's talons, were reported. It was accounted a
portent that every order of magistrates had had its number reduced, a
quaestor, an aedile, a tribune, a praetor and consul having died within a few
months. But Agrippina's terror was the most conspicuous. Alarmed by some
words dropped by Claudius when half intoxicated, that it was his destiny to
have to endure his wives' infamy and at last punish it, she determined to act
without a moment's delay. First she destroyed Lepida from motives of feminine
jealousy. Lepida indeed as the daughter of the younger Antonia, as the
grandniece of Augustus, the cousin of Agrippina, and sister of her husband
Cneius, thought herself of equally high rank. In beauty, youth, and wealth
they differed but slightly. Both were shameless, infamous, and intractable,
and were rivals in vice as much as in the advantages they had derived from
fortune. It was indeed a desperate contest whether the aunt or the mother
should have most power over Nero. Lepida tried to win the young prince's
heart by flattery and lavish liberality, while Agrippina on the other hand,
who could give her son empire but could not endure that he should be emperor,
was fierce and full of menace. |
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65[edit] |
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It was charged on Lepida that she had made
attempts on the Emperor's consort by magical incantations, and was disturbing
the peace of Italy by an imperfect control of her troops of slaves in
Calabria. She was for this sentenced to death, notwithstanding the vehement
opposition of Narcissus, who, as he more and more suspected Agrippina, was
said to have plainly told his intimate friends that "his destruction was
certain, whether Britannicus or Nero were to be emperor, but that he was
under such obligations to Claudius that he would sacrifice life to his
welfare. Messalina and Silius had been convicted, and now again there were
similar grounds for accusation. If Nero were to rule, or Britannicus succeed
to the throne, he would himself have no claim on the then reigning sovereign.
Meanwhile, a stepmother's treacherous schemes were convulsing the whole
imperial house, with far greater disgrace than would have resulted from his
concealment of the profligacy of the emperor's former wife. Even as it was,
there was shamelessness enough, seeing that Pallas was her paramour, so that
no one could doubt that she held honour, modesty and her very person,
everything, in short, cheaper than sovereignty." This, and the like, he
was always saying, and he would embrace Britannicus, expressing earnest
wishes for his speedy arrival at a mature age, and would raise his hand, now
to heaven, now to the young prince, with entreaty that as he grew up, he
would drive out his father's enemies and also take vengeance on the murderers
of his mother. |
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66[edit] |
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Under this great burden of anxiety, he had an
attack of illness, and went to Sinuessa to recruit his strength with its
balmy climate and salubrious waters. Thereupon, Agrippina, who had long
decided on the crime and eagerly grasped at the opportunity thus offered, and
did not lack instruments, deliberated on the nature of the poison to be used.
The deed would be betrayed by one that was sudden and instantaneous, while if
she chose a slow and lingering poison, there was a fear that Claudius, when
near his end, might, on detecting the treachery, return to his love for his
son. She decided on some rare compound which might derange his mind and delay
death. A person skilled in such matters was selected, Locusta by name, who
had lately been condemned for poisoning, and had long been retained as one of
the tools of despotism. By this woman's art the poison was prepared, and it
was to be administered by an eunuch, Halotus, who was accustomed to bring in
and taste the dishes. |
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67[edit] |
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All the circumstances were subsequently so
well known, that writers of the time have declared that the poison was
infused into some mushrooms, a favourite delicacy, and its effect not at the
instant perceived, from the emperor's lethargic, or intoxicated condition.
His bowels too were relieved, and this seemed to have saved him. Agrippina
was thoroughly dismayed. Fearing the worst, and defying the immediate obloquy
of the deed, she availed herself of the complicity of Xenophon, the
physician, which she had already secured. Under pretence of helping the
emperor's efforts to vomit, this man, it is supposed, introduced into his
throat a feather smeared with some rapid poison; for he knew that the
greatest crimes are perilous in their inception, but well rewarded after
their consummation. |
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68[edit] |
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Meanwhile the Senate was summoned, and
prayers rehearsed by the consuls and priests for the emperor's recovery,
though the lifeless body was being wrapped in blankets with warm
applications, while all was being arranged to establish Nero on the throne. At
first Agrippina, seemingly overwhelmed by grief and seeking comfort, clasped
Britannicus in her embraces, called him the very image of his father, and
hindered him by every possible device from leaving the chamber. She also
detained his sisters, Antonia and Octavia, closed every approach to the
palace with a military guard, and repeatedly gave out that the emperor's
health was better, so that the soldiers might be encouraged to hope, and that
the fortunate moment foretold by the astrologers might arrive. |
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69[edit] |
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At last, at noon on the 13th of October, the
gates of the palace were suddenly thrown open, and Nero, accompanied by
Burrus, went forth to the cohort which was on guard after military custom.
There, at the suggestion of the commanding officer, he was hailed with joyful
shouts, and set on a litter. Some, it is said, hesitated, and looked round
and asked where Britannicus was; then, when there was no one to lead a
resistance, they yielded to what was offered them. Nero was conveyed into the
camp, and having first spoken suitably to the occasion and promised a
donative after the example of his father's bounty, he was unanimously greeted
as emperor. The decrees of the Senate followed the voice of the soldiers, and
there was no hesitation in the provinces. Divine honours were decreed to
Claudius, and his funeral rites were solemnized on the same scale as those of
Augustus; for Agrippina strove to emulate the magnificence of her
great-grandmother, Livia. But his will was not publicly read, as the
preference of the stepson to the son might provoke a sense of wrong and angry
feeling in the popular mind. |
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1[edit] |
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THE destruction of
Messalina shook the imperial house; for a strife arose among the freedmen,
who should choose a wife for Claudius, impatient as he was of a single life
and submissive to eat the rule of wives. The ladies were fired with no less
jealousy. Each insisted on her rank, beauty, and fortune, and pointed to her
claims to such a marriage. But the keenest competition was between Lollia
Paulina, the daughter of Marcus Lollius, an ex-consul, and Julia Agrippina,
the daughter of Germanicus. Callistus favoured the first, Pallas the second.
Aelia Paetina however, of the family of the Tuberones, had the support of
Narcissus. The emperor, who inclined now one way, now another, as he listened
to this or that adviser, summoned the disputants to a conference and bade
them express their opinions and give their reasons. |
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2[edit] |
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Narcissus dwelt on the marriage of years gone
by, on the tie of offspring, for Paetina was the mother of Antonia, and on
the advantage of excluding a new element from his household, by the return of
a wife to whom he was accustomed, and who would assuredly not look with a
stepmother's animosity on Britannicus and Octavia, who were next in her
affections to her own children. Callistus argued that she was compromised by
her long separation, and that were she to be taken back, she would be
supercilious on the strength of it. It would be far better to introduce
Lollia, for, as she had no children of her own, she would be free from
jealousy, and would take the place of a mother towards her stepchildren.
Pallas again selected Agrippina for special commendation because she would
bring with her Germanicus's grandson, who was thoroughly worthy of imperial
rank, the scion of a noble house and a link to unite the descendants of the
Claudian family. He hoped that a woman who was the mother of many children
and still in the freshness of youth, would not carry off the grandeur of the
Caesars to some other house. |
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3[edit] |
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This advice prevailed, backed up as it was by
Agrippina's charms. On the pretext of her relationship, she paid frequent
visits to her uncle, and so won his heart, that she was preferred to the
others, and, though not yet his wife, already possessed a wife's power. For
as soon as she was sure of her marriage, she began to aim at greater things,
and planned an alliance between Domitius, her son by Cneius Aenobarbus, and
Octavia, the emperor's daughter. This could not be accomplished without a
crime, for the emperor had betrothed Octavia to Lucius Silanus, a young man
otherwise famous, whom he had brought forward as a candidate for popular
favour by the honour of triumphal distinctions and by a magnificent
gladiatorial show. But no difficulty seemed to be presented by the temper of
a sovereign who had neither partialities nor dislikes, but such as were
suggested and dictated to him. |
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4[edit] |
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Vitellius accordingly, who used the name of
censor to screen a slave's trickeries, and looked forward to new despotisms,
already impending, associated himself in Agrippina's plans, with a view to
her favour, and began to bring charges against Silanus, whose sister, Junia
Calvina, a handsome and lively girl, had shortly before become his
daughter-in-law. Here was a starting point for an accuser. Vitellius put an
infamous construction on the somewhat incautious though not criminal love
between the brother and sister. The emperor listened, for his affection for
his daughter inclined him the more to admit suspicions against his
son-in-law. Silanus meanwhile, who knew nothing of the plot, and happened
that year to be praetor, was suddenly expelled from the Senate by an edict of
Vitellius, though the roll of Senators had been recently reviewed and the
lustrum closed. Claudius at the same time broke off the connection; Silanus
was forced to resign his office, and the one remaining day of his praetorship
was conferred on Eprius Marcellus. |
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5[edit] |
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In the year of the consulship of Caius
Pompeius and Quintus Veranius, the marriage arranged between Claudius and
Agrippina was confirmed both by popular rumour and by their own illicit love.
Still, they did not yet dare to celebrate the nuptials in due form, for there
was no precedent for the introduction of a niece into an uncle's house. It
was positively incest, and if disregarded, it would, people feared, issue in
calamity to the State. These scruples ceased not till Vitellius undertook the
management of the matter in his own way. He asked the emperor whether he
would yield to the recommendations of the people and to the authority of the
Senate. When Claudius replied that he was one among the citizens and could
not resist their unanimous voice, Vitellius requested him to wait in the
palace, while he himself went to the Senate. Protesting that the supreme
interest of the commonwealth was at stake, he begged to be allowed to speak
first, and then began to urge that the very burdensome labours of the emperor
in a world-wide administration, required assistance, so that, free from
domestic cares, he might consult the public welfare. How again could there be
a more virtuous relief for the mind of an imperial censor than the taking of
a wife to share his prosperity and his troubles, to whom he might intrust his
inmost thoughts and the care of his young children, unused as he was to
luxury and pleasure, and wont from his earliest youth to obey the laws. |
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6[edit] |
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Vitellius, having first put forward these
arguments in a conciliatory speech, and met with decided acquiescence from
the Senate, began afresh to point out, that, as they all recommended the
emperor's marriage, they ought to select a lady conspicuous for noble rank
and purity, herself too the mother of children. "It cannot," he
said, "be long a question that Agrippina stands first in nobility of
birth. She has given proof too that she is not barren, and she has suitable
moral qualities. It is, again, a singular advantage to us, due to divine
providence, for a widow to be united to an emperor who has limited himself to
his own lawful wives. We have heard from our fathers, we have ourselves seen
that married women were seized at the caprice of the Caesars. This is quite
alien to the propriety of our day. Rather let a precedent be now set for the
taking of a wife by an emperor. But, it will be said, marriage with a
brother's daughter is with us a novelty. True; but it is common in other countries,
and there is no law to forbid it. Marriages of cousins were long unknown, but
after a time they became frequent. Custom adapts itself to expediency, and
this novelty will hereafter take its place among recognized usages." |
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7[edit] |
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There were some who rushed out of the Senate
passionately protesting that if the emperor hesitated, they would use
violence. A promiscuous throng assembled, and kept exclaiming that the same
too was the prayer of the Roman people. Claudius without further delay
presented himself in the forum to their congratulations; then entering the
Senate, he asked from them a decree which should decide that for the future
marriages between uncles and brothers' daughters should be legal. There was,
however, found only one person who desired such a marriage, Alledius Severus,
a Roman knight, who, as many said, was swayed by the influence of Agrippina.
Then came a revolution in the State, and everything was under the control of
a woman, who did not, like Messalina, insult Rome by loose manners. It was a
stringent, and, so to say, masculine despotism; there was sternness and
generally arrogance in public, no sort of immodesty at home, unless it
conduced to power. A boundless greed of wealth was veiled under the pretext
that riches were being accumulated as a prop to the throne. |
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8[edit] |
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On the day of the marriage Silanus committed
suicide, having up to that time prolonged his hope of life, or else choosing
that day to heighten the popular indignation. His sister, Calvina, was
banished from Italy. Claudius further added that sacrifices after the
ordinances of King Tullius, and atonements were to be offered by the pontiffs
in the grove of Diana, amid general ridicule at the idea devising penalties
and propitiations for incest at such a time. Agrippina, that she might not be
conspicuous only by her evil deeds, procured for Annaeus Seneca a remission
of his exile, and with it the praetorship. She thought this would be
universally welcome, from the celebrity of his attainments, and it was her
wish too for the boyhood of Domitius to be trained under so excellent an
instructor, and for them to have the benefit of his counsels in their designs
on the throne. For Seneca, it was believed, was devoted to Agrippina from a
remembrance of her kindness, and an enemy to Claudius from a bitter sense of
wrong. |
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9[edit] |
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It was then resolved to delay no longer.
Memmius Pollio, the consul-elect, was induced by great promises to deliver a
speech, praying Claudius to betroth Octavia to Domitius. The match was not
unsuitable to the age of either, and was likely to develop still more
important results. Pollio introduced the motion in much the same language as
Vitellius had lately used. So Octavia was betrothed, and Domitius, besides
his previous relationship, became now the emperor's affianced son-in-law, and
an equal of Britannicus, through the exertions of his mother and the cunning
of those who had been the accusers of Messalina, and feared the vengeance of
her son. |
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10[edit] |
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About the same time an embassy from the
Parthians, which had been sent, as I have stated, to solicit the return of
Meherdates, was introduced into the Senate, and delivered a message to the
following effect:- "They were not," they said, "unaware of the
treaty of alliance, nor did their coming imply any revolt from the family of
the Arsacids; indeed, even the son of Vonones, Phraates's grandson, was with
them in their resistance to the despotism of Gotarzes, which was alike
intolerable to the nobility and to the people. Already brothers, relatives,
and distant kin had been swept off by murder after murder; wives actually
pregnant, and tender children were added to Gotarzes' victims, while,
slothful at home and unsuccessful in war, he made cruelty a screen for his
feebleness. Between the Parthians and ourselves there was an ancient
friendship, founded on a state alliance, and we ought to support allies who
were our rivals in strength, and yet yielded to us out of respect. Kings'
sons were given as hostages, in order that when Parthia was tired of home
rule, it might fall back on the emperor and the Senate, and receive from them
a better sovereign, familiar with Roman habits." |
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11[edit] |
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In answer to these and like arguments
Claudius began to speak of the grandeur of Rome and the submissive attitude
of the Parthians. He compared himself to the Divine Augustus, from whom, he
reminded them, they had sought a king, but omitted to mention Tiberius,
though he too had sent them sovereigns. He added some advice for Meherdates,
who was present, and told him not to be thinking of a despot and his slaves,
but rather of a ruler among fellow citizens, and to practise clemency and
justice which barbarians would like the more for being unused to them. Then
he turned to the envoys and bestowed high praise on the young foster-son of
Rome, as one whose self-control had hitherto been exemplary.
"Still," he said, "they must bear with the caprices of kings,
and frequent revolutions were bad. Rome, sated with her glory, had reached
such a height that, she wished even foreign nations to enjoy repose."
Upon this Caius Cassius, governor of Syria, was commissioned to escort the
young prince to the bank of the Euphrates. |
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12[edit] |
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Cassius was at that time pre-eminent for
legal learning. The profession of the soldier is forgotten in a quiet period,
and peace reduces the enterprising and indolent to an equality. But Cassius,
as far as it was possible without war, revived ancient discipline, kept
exercising the legions, in short, used as much diligence and precaution as if
an enemy were threatening him. This conduct he counted worthy of his
ancestors and of the Cassian family which had won renown even in those
countries. He then summoned those at whose suggestion a king had been sought
from Rome, and having encamped at Zeugma where the river was most easily
fordable and awaited the arrival of the chief men of Parthia and of Acbarus,
king of the Arabs, he reminded Meherdates that the impulsive enthusiasm of
barbarians soon flags from delay or even changes into treachery, and that
therefore he should urge on his enterprise. The advice was disregarded
through the perfidy Acbarus, by whom the foolish young prince, who thought
that the highest position merely meant self-indulgence, was detained for
several days in the town of Edessa. Although a certain Carenes pressed them
to come and promised easy success if they hastened their arrival, they did
not make for Mesopotamia, which was close to them, but, by a long detour, for
Armenia, then ill-suited to their movements, as winter was beginning. |
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13[edit] |
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As they approached the plains, wearied with
the snows and mountains, they were joined by the forces of Carenes, and
having crossed the river Tigris they traversed the country of the Adiabeni,
whose king Izates had avowedly embraced the alliance of Meherdates, though
secretly and in better faith he inclined to Gotarzes. In their march they
captured the city of Ninos, the most ancient capital of Assyria, and a
fortress, historically famous, as the spot where the last battle between
Darius and Alexander the power of Persia fell. Gotarzes meantime was offering
vows to the local divinities on a mountain called Sambulos, with special
worship of Hercules, who at a stated time bids the priests in a dream equip
horses for the chase and place them near his temple. When the horses have
been laden with quivers full of arrows, they scour the forest and at length
return at night with empty quivers, panting violently. Again the god in a
vision of the night reveals to them the track along which he roamed through
the woods, and everywhere slaughtered beasts are found. |
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14[edit] |
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Gotarzes, his army not being yet in
sufficient force, made the river Corma a line of defence, and though he was
challenged to an engagement by taunting messages, he contrived delays,
shifted his positions and sent emissaries to corrupt the enemy and bribe them
to throw off their allegiance. Izates of the Adiabeni and then Acbarus of the
Arabs deserted with their troops, with their countrymen's characteristic
fickleness, confirming previous experience, that barbarians prefer to seek a
king from Rome than to keep him. Meherdates, stript of his powerful
auxiliaries and suspecting treachery in the rest, resolved, as his last
resource, to risk everything and try the issue of a battle. Nor did Gotarzes,
who was emboldened by the enemy's diminished strength, refuse the challenge.
They fought with terrible courage and doubtful result, till Carenes, who
having beaten down all resistance had advanced too far, was surprised by a
fresh detachment in his rear. Then Meherdates in despair yielded to promises
from Parrhaces, one of his father's adherents, and was by his treachery
delivered in chains to the conqueror. Gotarzes taunted him with being no
kinsman of his or of the Arsacids, but a foreigner and a Roman, and having
cut off his ears, bade him live, a memorial of his own clemency, and a
disgrace to us. After this Gotarzes fell ill and died, and Vonones, who then
ruled the Medes, was summoned to the throne. He was memorable neither for his
good nor bad fortune; he completed a short and inglorious reign, and then the
empire of Parthia passed to his son Vologeses. |
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Mithridates of Bosporus, meanwhile, who had
lost his power and was a mere outcast, on learning that the Roman general,
Didius, and the main strength of his army had retired, and that Cotys, a
young prince without experience, was left in his new kingdom with a few
cohorts under Julius Aquila, a Roman knight, disdaining both, roused the
neighbouring tribes, and drew deserters to his standard. At last he collected
an army, drove out the king of the Dandaridae, and possessed himself of his
dominions. When this was known, and the invasion of Bosporus was every moment
expected, Aquila and Cotys, seeing that hostilities had been also resumed by
Zorsines, king of the Siraci, distrusted their own strength, and themselves
too sought the friendship of the foreigner by sending envoys to Eunones, who
was then chief of the Adorsi. There was no difficulty about alliance, when
they pointed to the power of Rome in contrast with the rebel Mithridates. It
was accordingly stipulated that Eunones should engage the enemy with his
cavalry, and the Romans undertake the siege of towns. |
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Then the army advanced in regular formation,
the Adorsi in the van and the rear, while the centre was strengthened by the
cohorts, and native troops of Bosporus with Roman arms. Thus the enemy was
defeated, and they reached Soza, a town in Dandarica, which Mithridates had
abandoned, where it was thought expedient to leave a garrison, as the temper
of the people was uncertain. Next they marched on the Siraci, and after
crossing the river Panda besieged the city of Uspe, which stood on high
ground, and had the defence of wall and fosses; only the walls, not being of
stone, but of hurdles and wicker-work with earth between, were too weak to
resist an assault. Towers were raised to a greater height as a means of
annoying the besieged with brands and darts. Had not night stopped the
conflict, the siege would have been begun and finished within one day. |
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Next day they sent an embassy asking mercy
for the freeborn, and offering ten thousand slaves. As it would have been
inhuman to slay the prisoners, and very difficult to keep them under guard,
the conquerors rejected the offer, preferring that they should perish by the
just doom of war. The signal for massacre was therefore given to the
soldiers, who had mounted the walls by scaling ladders. The destruction of
Uspe struck terror into the rest of the people, who thought safety impossible
when they saw how armies and ramparts, heights and difficult positions,
rivers and cities, alike yielded to their foe. And so Zorsines, having long
considered whether he should still have regard to the fallen fortunes of
Mithridates or to the kingdom of his fathers, and having at last preferred
his country's interests, gave hostages and prostrated himself before the
emperor's image, to the great glory of the Roman army, which all men knew to
have come after a bloodless victory within three days' march of the river
Tanais. In their return however fortune was not equally favourable; some of
their vessels, as they were sailing back, were driven on the shores of the
Tauri and cut off by the barbarians, who slew the commander of a cohort and
several centurions. |
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Meanwhile Mithridates, finding arms an
unavailing resource, considered on whose mercy he was to throw himself. He
feared his brother Cotys, who had once been a traitor, then become his open
enemy. No Roman was on the spot of authority sufficient to make his promises
highly valued. So he turned to Eunones, who had no personal animosity against
him, and had been lately strengthened by his alliance with us. Adapting his
dress and expression of countenance as much as possible to his present
condition, he entered the palace, and throwing himself at the feet of Eunones
he exclaimed, "Mithridates, whom the Romans have sought so many years by
land and sea, stands before you by his own choice. Deal as you please with
the descendant of the great Achaemenes, the only glory of which enemies have
not robbed me." |
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The great name of Mithridates, his reverse,
his prayer, full of dignity, deeply affected Eunones. He raised the
suppliant, and commended him for having chosen the nation of the Adorsi and
his own good faith in suing for mercy. He sent at the same time envoys to
Caesar with a letter to this effect, that friendship between emperors of Rome
and sovereigns of powerful peoples was primarily based on a similarity of
fortune, and that between himself and Claudius there was the tie of a common
victory. Wars had glorious endings, whenever matters were settled by an
amnesty. The conquered Zorsines had on this principle been deprived of
nothing. For Mithridates, as he deserved heavier punishment, he asked neither
power nor dominions, only that he might not be led in triumph, and pay the
penalty of death. |
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Claudius, though merciful to foreign princes,
was yet in doubt whether it were better to receive the captive with a promise
of safety or to claim his surrender by the sword. To this last he was urged
by resentment at his wrongs, and by thirst for vengeance. On the other hand
it was argued that it would be undertaking a war in a country without roads,
on a harbourless sea, against warlike kings and wandering tribes, on a barren
soil; that a weary disgust would come of tardy movements, and perils of precipitancy;
that the glory of victory would be small, while much disgrace would ensue on
defeat. Why should not the emperor seize the offer and spare the exile, whose
punishment would be the greater, the longer he lived in poverty? Moved by
these considerations, Claudius wrote to Eunones that Mithridates had
certainly merited an extreme and exemplary penalty, which he was not wanting
in power to inflict, but it had been the principle of his ancestors to show
as much forbearance to a suppliant as they showed persistence against a foe.
As for triumphs, they were won over nations and kings hitherto unconquered. |
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After this, Mithridates was given up and
brought to Rome by Junius Cilo, the procurator of Pontus. There in the
emperor's presence he was said to have spoken too proudly for his position,
and words uttered by him to the following effect became the popular talk:
"I have not been sent, but have come back to you; if you do not believe
me, let me go and pursue me." He stood too with fearless countenance
when he was exposed to the people's gaze near the Rostra, under military
guard. To Cilo and Aquila were voted, respectively, the consular and
praetorian decorations. |
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In the same consulship, Agrippina, who was
terrible in her hatred and detested Lollia, for having competed with her for
the emperor's hand, planned an accusation, through an informer who was to tax
her with having consulted astrologers and magicians and the image of the
Clarian Apollo, about the imperial marriage. Upon this, Claudius, without
hearing the accused, first reminded the Senate of her illustrious rank, that
the sister of Lucius Volusius was her mother, Cotta Messalinus her
granduncle, Memmius Regulus formerly her husband (for of her marriage to
Caius Caesar he purposely said nothing), and then added that she had
mischievous designs on the State, and must have the means of crime taken from
her. Consequently, her property should be confiscated, and she herself
banished from Italy. Thus out of immense wealth only five million sesterces
were left to the exile. Calpurnia too, a lady of high rank, was ruined,
simply because the emperor had praised her beauty in a casual remark, without
any passion for her. And so Agrippina's resentment stopped short of extreme
vengeance. A tribune was despatched to Lollia, who was to force her to
suicide. Next on the prosecution of the Bithynians, Cadius Rufus, was
condemned under the law against extortion. |
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Narbon Gaul, for its special reverence of the
Senate, received a privilege. Senators belonging to the province, without
seeking the emperor's approval, were to be allowed to visit their estates, a
right enjoyed by Sicily. Ituraea and Judaea, on the death of their kings,
Sohaemus and Agrippa, were annexed to the province of Syria. It was also
decided that the augury of the public safety, which for twenty-five years had
been neglected, should be revived and henceforth observed. The emperor
likewise widened the sacred precincts of the capital, in conformity with the
ancient usage, according to which, those who had enlarged the empire were
permitted also to extend the boundaries of Rome. But Roman generals, even
after the conquest of great nations, had never exercised this right, except
Lucius Sulla and the Divine Augustus. |
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There are various popular accounts of the
ambitious and vainglorious efforts of our kings in this matter. Still, I
think, it is interesting to know accurately the original plan of the
precinct, as it was fixed by Romulus. From the ox market, where we see the
brazen statue of a bull, because that animal is yoked to the plough, a furrow
was drawn to mark out the town, so as to embrace the great altar of Hercules;
then, at regular intervals, stones were placed along the foot of the Palatine
hill to the altar of Consus, soon afterwards, to the old Courts, and then to
the chapel of Larunda. The Roman forum and the Capitol were not, it was
supposed, added to the city by Romulus, but by Titus Tatius. In time, the
precinct was enlarged with the growth of Rome's fortunes. The boundaries now
fixed by Claudius may be easily recognized, as they are specified in the
public records. |
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In the consulship of Caius Antistius and
Marcus Suilius, the adoption of Domitius was hastened on by the influence of
Pallas. Bound to Agrippina, first as the promoter of her marriage, then as
her paramour, he still urged Claudius to think of the interests of the State,
and to provide some support for the tender years of Britannicus.
"So," he said, "it had been with the Divine Augustus, whose
stepsons, though he had grandsons to be his stay, had been promoted; Tiberius
too, though he had offspring of his own, had adopted Germanicus. Claudius
also would do well to strengthen himself with a young prince who could share
his cares with him." Overcome by these arguments, the emperor preferred
Domitius to his own son, though he was but two years older, and made a speech
in the senate, the same in substance as the representations of his freedman.
It was noted by learned men, that no previous example of adoption into the
patrician family of the Claudii was to be found; and that from Attus Clausus
there had been one unbroken line. |
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However, the emperor received formal thanks,
and still more elaborate flattery was paid to Domitius. A law was passed,
adopting him into the Claudian family with the name of Nero. Agrippina too
was honoured with the title of Augusta. When this had been done, there was
not a person so void of pity as not to feel keen sorrow at the position of
Britannicus. Gradually forsaken by the very slaves who waited on him, he
turned into ridicule the ill-timed attentions of his stepmother, perceiving
their insincerity. For he is said to have had by no means a dull
understanding; and this is either a fact, or perhaps his perils won him
sympathy, and so he possessed the credit of it, without actual evidence. |
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Agrippina, to show her power even to the
allied nations, procured the despatch of a colony of veterans to the chief
town of the Ubii, where she was born. The place was named after her. Agrippa,
her grandfather, had, as it happened, received this tribe, when they crossed
the Rhine, under our protection. During the same time, there was a panic in
Upper Germany through an irruption of plundering bands of Chatti. Thereupon
Lucius Pomponius, who was in command, directed the Vangiones and Nemetes,
with the allied cavalry, to anticipate the raid, and suddenly to fall upon
them from every quarter while they were dispersed. The general's plan was
backed up by the energy of the troops. These were divided into two columns;
and those who marched to the left cut off the plunderers, just on their
return, after a riotous enjoyment of their spoil, when they were heavy with
sleep. It added to the men's joy that they had rescued from slavery after
forty years some survivors of the defeat of Varus. |
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The column which took the right-hand and the
shorter route, inflicted greater loss on the enemy who met them, and ventured
on a battle. With much spoil and glory they returned to Mount Taunus, where
Pomponius was waiting with the legions, to see whether the Chatti, in their
eagerness for vengeance, would give him a chance of fighting. They however
fearing to be hemmed in on one side by the Romans, on the other by the
Cherusci, with whom they are perpetually at feud, sent envoys and hostages to
Rome. To Pomponius was decreed the honour of a triumph; a mere fraction of
his renown with the next generation, with whom his poems constitute his chief
glory. |
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At this same time, Vannius, whom Drusus
Caesar had made king of the Suevi, was driven from his kingdom. In the
commencement of his reign he was renowned and popular with his countrymen;
but subsequently, with long possession, he became a tyrant, and the enmity of
neighbours, joined to intestine strife, was his ruin. Vibillius, king of the
Hermunduri, and Vangio and Sido, sons of a sister of Vannius, led the
movement. Claudius, though often entreated, declined to interpose by arms in
the conflict of the barbarians, and simply promised Vannius a safe refuge in
the event of his expulsion. He wrote instructions to Publius Atellius Hister,
governor of Pannonia, that he was to have his legions, with some picked
auxiliaries from the province itself, encamped on the riverbank, as a support
to the conquered and a terror to the conqueror, who might otherwise, in the
elation of success, disturb also the peace of our empire. For an immense host
of Ligii, with other tribes, was advancing, attracted by the fame of the
opulent realm which Vannius had enriched during thirty years of plunder and
of tribute. Vannius's own native force was infantry, and his cavalry was from
the Iazyges of Sarmatia; an army which was no match for his numerous enemy.
Consequently, he determined to maintain himself in fortified positions, and
protract the war. |
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But the Iazyges, who could not endure a
siege, dispersed themselves throughout the surrounding country and rendered
an engagement inevitable, as the Ligii and Hermunduri had there rushed to the
attack. So Vannius came down out of his fortresses, and though he was
defeated in battle, notwithstanding his reverse, he won some credit by having
fought with his own hand, and received wounds on his breast. He then fled to
the fleet which was awaiting him on the Danube, and was soon followed by his
adherents, who received grants of land and were settled in Pannonia. Vangio
and Sido divided his kingdom between them; they were admirably loyal to us,
and among their subjects, whether the cause was in themselves or in the
nature of despotism, much loved, while seeking to acquire power, and yet more
hated when they had acquired it. |
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Meanwhile, in Britain, Publius Ostorius, the
propraetor, found himself confronted by disturbance. The enemy had burst into
the territories of our allies with all the more fury, as they imagined that a
new general would not march against them with winter beginning and with an
army of which he knew nothing. Ostorius, well aware that first events are
those which produce alarm or confidence, by a rapid movement of his light
cohorts, cut down all who opposed him, pursued those who fled, and lest they
should rally, and so an unquiet and treacherous peace might allow no rest to
the general and his troops, he prepared to disarm all whom he suspected, and
to occupy with encampments the whole country to the Avon and Severn. The
Iceni, a powerful tribe, which war had not weakened, as they had voluntarily
joined our alliance, were the first to resist. At their instigation the
surrounding nations chose as a battlefield a spot walled in by a rude
barrier, with a narrow approach, impenetrable to cavalry. Through these
defences the Roman general, though he had with him only the allied troops,
without the strength of the legions, attempted to break, and having assigned
their positions to his cohorts, he equipped even his cavalry for the work of
infantry. Then at a given signal they forced the barrier, routing the enemy
who were entangled in their own defences. The rebels, conscious of their
guilt, and finding escape barred, performed many noble feats. In this battle,
Marius Ostorius, the general's son, won the reward for saving a citizen's
life. |
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The defeat of the Iceni quieted those who
were hesitating between war and peace. Then the army was marched against the
Cangi; their territory was ravaged, spoil taken everywhere without the enemy
venturing on an engagement, or if they attempted to harass our march by
stealthy attacks, their cunning was always punished. And now Ostorius had
advanced within a little distance of the sea, facing the island Hibernia,
when feuds broke out among the Brigantes and compelled the general's return,
for it was his fixed purpose not to undertake any fresh enterprise till he
had consolidated his previous successes. The Brigantes indeed, when a few who
were beginning hostilities had been slain and the rest pardoned, settled down
quietly; but on the Silures neither terror nor mercy had the least effect;
they persisted in war and could be quelled only by legions encamped in their
country. That this might be the more promptly effected, a colony of a strong
body of veterans was established at Camulodunum on the conquered lands, as a
defence against the rebels, and as a means of imbuing the allies with respect
for our laws. |
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The army then marched against the Silures, a
naturally fierce people and now full of confidence in the might of
Caractacus, who by many an indecisive and many a successful battle had raised
himself far above all the other generals of the Britons. Inferior in military
strength, but deriving an advantage from the deceptiveness of the country, he
at once shifted the war by a stratagem into the territory of the Ordovices,
where, joined by all who dreaded peace with us, he resolved on a final
struggle. He selected a position for the engagement in which advance and
retreat alike would be difficult for our men and comparatively easy for his
own, and then on some lofty hills, wherever their sides could be approached
by a gentle slope, he piled up stones to serve as a rampart. A river too of
varying depth was in his front, and his armed bands were drawn up before his
defences. |
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Then too the chieftains of the several tribes
went from rank to rank, encouraging and confirming the spirit of their men by
making light of their fears, kindling their hopes, and by every other warlike
incitement. As for Caractacus, he flew hither and thither, protesting that
that day and that battle would be the beginning of the recovery of their
freedom, or of everlasting bondage. He appealed, by name, to their
forefathers who had driven back the dictator Caesar, by whose valour they
were free from the Roman axe and tribute, and still preserved inviolate the
persons of their wives and of their children. While he was thus speaking, the
host shouted applause; every warrior bound himself by his national oath not
to shrink from weapons or wounds. |
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Such enthusiasm confounded the Roman general.
The river too in his face, the rampart they had added to it, the frowning
hilltops, the stern resistance and masses of fighting men everywhere
apparent, daunted him. But his soldiers insisted on battle, exclaiming that
valour could overcome all things; and the prefects and tribunes, with similar
language, stimulated the ardour of the troops. Ostorius having ascertained by
a survey the inaccessible and the assailable points of the position, led on
his furious men, and crossed the river without difficulty. When he reached
the barrier, as long as it was a fight with missiles, the wounds and the
slaughter fell chiefly on our soldiers; but when he had formed the military
testudo, and the rude, ill-compacted fence of stones was torn down, and it
was an equal hand-to-hand engagement, the barbarians retired to the heights.
Yet even there, both light and heavy-armed soldiers rushed to the attack; the
first harassed the foe with missiles, while the latter closed with them, and
the opposing ranks of the Britons were broken, destitute as they were of the
defence of breast-plates or helmets. When they faced the auxiliaries, they
were felled by the swords and javelins of our legionaries; if they wheeled
round, they were again met by the sabres and spears of the auxiliaries. It
was a glorious victory; the wife and daughter of Caractacus were captured,
and his brothers too were admitted to surrender. |
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There is seldom safety for the unfortunate,
and Caractacus, seeking the protection of Cartimandua, queen of the
Brigantes, was put in chains and delivered up to the conquerors, nine years
after the beginning of the war in Britain. His fame had spread thence, and
travelled to the neighbouring islands and provinces, and was actually
celebrated in Italy. All were eager to see the great man, who for so many
years had defied our power. Even at Rome the name of Caractacus was no
obscure one; and the emperor, while he exalted his own glory, enhanced the
renown of the vanquished. The people were summoned as to a grand spectacle;
the praetorian cohorts were drawn up under arms in the plain in front of
their camp; then came a procession of the royal vassals, and the ornaments
and neck-chains and the spoils which the king had won in wars with other
tribes, were displayed. Next were to be seen his brothers, his wife and
daughter; last of all, Caractacus himself. All the rest stooped in their fear
to abject supplication; not so the king, who neither by humble look nor
speech sought compassion. |
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When he was set before the emperor's
tribunal, he spoke as follows: "Had my moderation in prosperity been
equal to my noble birth and fortune, I should have entered this city as your
friend rather than as your captive; and you would not have disdained to
receive, under a treaty of peace, a king descended from illustrious ancestors
and ruling many nations. My present lot is as glorious to you as it is
degrading to myself. I had men and horses, arms and wealth. What wonder if I
parted with them reluctantly? If you Romans choose to lord it over the world,
does it follow that the world is to accept slavery? Were I to have been at
once delivered up as a prisoner, neither my fall nor your triumph would have
become famous. My punishment would be followed by oblivion, whereas, if you
save my life, I shall be an everlasting memorial of your clemency." Upon
this the emperor granted pardon to Caractacus, to his wife, and to his
brothers. Released from their bonds, they did homage also to Agrippina who sat
near, conspicuous on another throne, in the same language of praise and
gratitude. It was indeed a novelty, quite alien to ancient manners, for a
woman to sit in front of Roman standards. In fact, Agrippina boasted that she
was herself a partner in the empire which her ancestors had won. |
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The Senate was then assembled, and speeches
were delivered full of pompous eulogy on the capture of Caractacus. It was as
glorious, they said, as the display of Syphax by Scipio, or of Perses by
Lucius Paulus, or indeed of any captive prince by any of our generals to the
people of Rome. Triumphal distinctions were voted to Ostorius, who thus far
had been successful, but soon afterwards met with reverses; either because,
when Caractacus was out of the way, our discipline was relaxed under an
impression that the war was ended, or because the enemy, out of compassion
for so great a king, was more ardent in his thirst for vengeance. Instantly
they rushed from all parts on the camp-prefect, and legionary cohorts left to
establish fortified positions among the Silures, and had not speedy succour
arrived from towns and fortresses in the neighbourhood, our forces would then
have been totally destroyed. Even as it was, the camp-prefect, with eight
centurions, and the bravest of the soldiers, were slain; and shortly
afterwards, a foraging party of our men, with some cavalry squadrons sent to
their support, was utterly routed. |
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Ostorius then deployed his light cohorts, but
even thus he did not stop the flight, till our legions sustained the brunt of
the battle. Their strength equalized the conflict, which after a while was in
our favour. The enemy fled with trifling loss, as the day was on the decline.
Now began a series of skirmishes, for the most part like raids, in woods and
morasses, with encounters due to chance or to courage, to mere heedlessness
or to calculation, to fury or to lust of plunder, under directions from the
officers, or sometimes even without their knowledge. Conspicuous above all in
stubborn resistance were the Silures, whose rage was fired by words rumoured
to have been spoken by the Roman general, to the effect, that as the Sugambri
had been formerly destroyed or transplanted into Gaul, so the name of the
Silures ought to be blotted out. Accordingly they cut off two of our
auxiliary cohorts, the rapacity of whose officers let them make incautious
forays; and by liberal gifts of spoil and prisoners to the other tribes, they
were luring them too into revolt, when Ostorius, worn out by the burden of
his anxieties, died, to the joy of the enemy, who thought that a campaign at
least, though not a single battle, had proved fatal to general whom none
could despise. |
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The emperor on hearing of the death of his
representative appointed Aulus Didius in his place, that the province might
not be left without a governor. Didius, though he quickly arrived, found
matters far from prosperous, for the legion under the command of Manlius
Valens had meanwhile been defeated, and the disaster had been exaggerated by
the enemy to alarm the new general, while he again magnified it, that he
might win the more glory by quelling the movement or have a fairer excuse if
it lasted. This loss too had been inflicted on us by the Silures, and they
were scouring the country far and wide, till Didius hurried up and dispersed
them. After the capture of Caractacus, Venutius of the Brigantes, as I have
already mentioned, was pre-eminent in military skill; he had long been loyal
to Rome and had been defended by our arms while he was united in marriage to
the queen Cartismandua. Subsequently a quarrel broke out between them,
followed instantly by war, and he then assumed a hostile attitude also towards
us. At first, however, they simply fought against each other, and
Cartismandua by cunning stratagems captured the brothers and kinsfolk of
Venutius. This enraged the enemy, who were stung with shame at the prospect
of falling under the dominion of a woman. The flower of their youth, picked
out for war, invaded her kingdom. This we had foreseen; some cohorts were
sent to her aid and a sharp contest followed, which was at first doubtful but
had a satisfactory termination. The legion under the command of Caesius
Nasica fought with a similar result. For Didius, burdened with years and
covered with honours, was content with acting through his officers and merely
holding back the enemy. These transactions, though occurring under two
propraetors, and occupying several years, I have closely connected, lest, if
related separately, they might be less easily remembered. I now return to the
chronological order. |
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In the fifth consulship of Tiberius Claudius
with Sextius Cornelius Orfitus for his colleague, Nero was prematurely
invested with the dress of manhood, that he might be thought qualified for
political life. The emperor willingly complied with the flatteries of the
Senate who wished Nero to enter on the consulship in his twentieth year, and
meanwhile, as consul-elect, to have pro-consular authority beyond the limits
of the capital with the title of "prince of the youth of Rome." A
donative was also given to the soldiery in Nero's name, and presents to the
city populace. At the games too of the circus which were then being
celebrated to win for him popular favour, Britannicus wore the dress of
boyhood, Nero the triumphal robe, as they rode in the procession. The people
would thus behold the one with the decorations of a general, the other in a
boy's habit, and would accordingly anticipate their respective destinies. At
the same time those of the centurions and tribunes who pitied the lot of Britannicus
were removed, some on false pretexts, others by way of a seeming compliment.
Even of the freedmen, all who were of incorruptible fidelity were discarded
on the following provocation. Once when they met, Nero greeted Britannicus by
that name and was greeted in return as Domitius. Agrippina reported this to
her husband, with bitter complaint, as the beginning of a quarrel, as
implying, in fact, contempt of Nero's adoption and a cancelling at home of
the Senate's decree and the people's vote. She said, too, that, if the
perversity of such malignant suggestions were not checked, it would issue in
the ruin of the State. Claudius, enraged by what he took as a grave charge,
punished with banishment or death all his son's best instructors, and set persons
appointed by his stepmother to have the care of him. |
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42[edit] |
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Still Agrippina did not yet dare to attempt
her greatest scheme, unless Lusius Geta and Rufius Crispinus were removed
from the command of the praetorian cohorts; for she thought that they
cherished Messalina's memory and were devoted to her children. Accordingly,
as the emperor's wife persistently affirmed that faction was rife among these
cohorts through the rivalry of the two officers, and that there would be
stricter discipline under one commander, the appointment was transferred to
Burrus Afranius, who had a brilliant reputation as a soldier, but knew well
to whose wish he owed his promotion. Agrippina, too, continued to exalt her
own dignity; she would enter the Capitol in a chariot, a practice, which
being allowed of old only to the priests and sacred images, increased the
popular reverence for a woman who up to this time was the only recorded
instance of one who, an emperor's daughter, was sister, wife, and mother of a
sovereign. Meanwhile her foremost champion, Vitellius, in the full tide of his
power and in extreme age (so uncertain are the fortunes of the great) was
attacked by an accusation of which Junius Lupus, a senator, was the author.
He was charged with treason and designs on the throne. The emperor would have
lent a ready ear, had not Agrippina, by threats rather than entreaties,
induced him to sentence the accuser to outlawry. This was all that Vitellius
desired. |
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43[edit] |
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Several prodigies occurred in that year.
Birds of evil omen perched on the Capitol; houses were thrown down by
frequent shocks of earthquake, and as the panic spread, all the weak were
trodden down in the hurry and confusion of the crowd. Scanty crops too, and
consequent famine were regarded as a token of calamity. Nor were there merely
whispered complaints; while Claudius was administering justice, the populace
crowded round him with a boisterous clamour and drove him to a corner of the
forum, where they violently pressed on him till he broke through the furious
mob with a body of soldiers. It was ascertained that Rome had provisions for
no more than fifteen days, and it was through the signal bounty of heaven and
the mildness of the winter that its desperate plight was relieved. And yet in
past days Italy used to send supplies for the legions into distant provinces,
and even now it is not a barren soil which causes distress. But we prefer to
cultivate Africa and Egypt, and trust the life of the Roman people to ships
and all their risks. |
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44[edit] |
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In the same year war broke out between the
Armenians and Iberians, and was the cause of very serious disturbances
between Parthia and Rome. Vologeses was king of the Parthians; on the
mother's side, he was the offspring of a Greek concubine, and he obtained the
throne by the retirement of his brothers. Pharasmanes had been long in
possession of Iberia, and his brother, Mithridates, ruled Armenia with our
powerful support. There was a son of Pharasmanes named Rhadamistus, tall and
handsome, of singular bodily strength, trained in all the accomplishments of
his countrymen and highly renowned among his neighbours. He boasted so
arrogantly and persistently that his father's prolonged old age kept back
from him the little kingdom of Iberia as to make no concealment of his
ambition. Pharasmanes accordingly seeing the young prince had power in his
grasp and was strong in the attachment of his people, fearing too his own
declining years, tempted him with other prospects and pointed to Armenia,
which, as he reminded him, he had given to Mithridates after driving out the
Parthians. But open violence, he said, must be deferred; artful measures,
which might crush him unawares, were better. So Rhadamistus pretended to be
at feud with his father as though his stepmother's hatred was too strong for
him, and went to his uncle. While he was treated by him like a son, with
excessive kindness, he lured the nobles of Armenia into revolutionary
schemes, without the knowledge of Mithridates, who was actually loading him with
honours. |
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45[edit] |
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He then assumed a show of reconciliation with
his father, to whom he returned, telling him all that could be accomplished
by treachery was now ready and that he must complete the affair by the sword.
Meanwhile Pharasmanes invented pretexts for war; when he was fighting with
the king of the Albanians and appealing to the Romans for aid, his brother,
he said, had opposed him, and he would now avenge that wrong by his
destruction. At the same time he gave a large army to his son, who by a
sudden invasion drove Mithridates in terror from the open country and forced
him into the fortress of Gorneas, which was strongly situated and garrisoned
by some soldiers under the command of Caelius Pollio, a camp-prefect, and
Casperius, a centurion. There is nothing of which barbarians are so ignorant
as military engines and the skilful management of sieges, while that is a
branch of military science which we especially understand. And so Rhadamistus
having attempted the fortified walls in vain or with loss, began a blockade,
and, finding that his assaults were despised, tried to bribe the rapacity of
the camp-prefect. Casperius protested earnestly against the overthrow of an
allied king and of Armenia, the gift of the Roman people, through iniquity
and greed of gain. At last, as Pollio pleaded the overpowering numbers of the
enemy and Rhadamistus the orders of his father, the centurion stipulated for
a truce and retired, intending, if he could not deter Pharasmanes from
further hostilities, to inform Ummidius Quadratus, the governor of Syria, of
the state of Armenia. |
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46[edit] |
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By the centurion's departure the camp prefect
was released, so to say, from surveillance; and he now urged Mithridates to
conclude a treaty. He reminded him of the tie of brotherhood, of the
seniority in age of Pharasmanes, and of their other bonds of kindred, how he
was united by marriage to his brother's daughter, and was himself the
father-in-law of Rhadamistus. "The Iberians," he said, "were
not against peace, though for the moment they were the stronger; the perfidy
of the Armenians was notorious, and he had nothing to fall back on but a
fortress without stores; so he must not hesitate to prefer a bloodless
negotiation to arms." As Mithridates wavered, and suspected the
intentions of the camp-prefect, because he had seduced one of the king's
concubines and was reputed a man who could be bribed into any wickedness,
Casperius meantime went to Pharasmanes, and required of him that the Iberians
should raise the blockade. Pharasmanes, to his face, replied vaguely and
often in a conciliatory tone, while by secret messages he recommended
Rhadamistus to hurry on the siege by all possible means. Then the price of
infamy was raised, and Pollio by secret corruption induced the soldiers to
demand peace and to threaten that they would abandon the garrison. Under this
compulsion, Mithridates agreed to a day and a place for negotiation and
quitted the fortress. |
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47[edit] |
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Rhadamistus at first threw himself into his
embraces, feigning respect and calling him father-in-law and parent. He swore
an oath too that he would do him no violence either by the sword or by
poison. At the same time he drew him into a neighbouring grove, where he
assured him that the appointed sacrifice was prepared for the confirmation of
peace in the presence of the gods. It is a custom of these princes, whenever
they join alliance, to unite their right hands and bind together the thumbs
in a tight knot; then, when the blood has flowed into the extremities, they
let it escape by a slight puncture and suck it in turn. Such a treaty is
thought to have a mysterious sanctity, as being sealed with the blood of both
parties. On this occasion he who was applying the knot pretended that it had
fallen off, and suddenly seizing the knees of Mithridates flung him to the
ground. At the same moment a rush was made by a number of persons, and chains
were thrown round him. Then he was dragged along by a fetter, an extreme
degradation to a barbarian; and soon the common people, whom he had held
under a harsh sway, heaped insults on him with menacing gestures, though
some, on the contrary, pitied such a reverse of fortune. His wife followed
him with his little children, and filled every place with her wailings. They
were hidden away in different covered carriages till the orders of
Pharasmanes were distinctly ascertained. The lust of rule was more to him
than his brother and his daughter, and his heart was steeled to any
wickedness. Still he spared his eyes the seeing them slain before his face.
Rhadamistus too, seemingly mindful of his oath, neither unsheathed the sword
nor used poison against his sister and uncle, but had them thrown on the
ground and then smothered them under a mass of heavy clothes. Even the sons
of Mithridates were butchered for having shed tears over their parent's
murder. |
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48[edit] |
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Quadratus, learning that Mithridates had been
betrayed and that his kingdom was in the hands of his murderers, summoned a
council, and, having informed them of what had occurred, consulted them
whether he should take vengeance. Few cared for the honour of the State; most
argued in favour of a safe course, saying "that any crime in a foreign
country was to be welcomed with joy, and that the seeds of strife ought to be
actually sown, on the very principle on which Roman emperors had often under
a show of generosity given away this same kingdom of Armenia to excite the
minds of the barbarians. Rhadamistus might retain his ill-gotten gains, as
long as he was hated and infamous; for this was more to Rome's interest than
for him to have succeeded with glory." To this view they assented, but
that they might not be thought to have approved the crime and receive
contrary orders from the emperor, envoys were sent to Pharasmanes, requiring
him to withdraw from Armenian territory and remove his son. |
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49[edit] |
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Julius Pelignus was then procurator of
Cappadocia, a man despised alike for his feebleness of mind and his grotesque
personal appearance. He was however very intimate with Claudius, who, when in
private life, used to beguile the dullness of his leisure with the society of
jesters. This Pelignus collected some provincial auxiliaries, apparently with
the design of recovering Armenia, but, while he plundered allies instead of
enemies, finding himself, through the desertion of his men and the raids of
the barbarians, utterly defenceless, he went to Rhadamistus, whose gifts so
completely overcame him that he positively encouraged him to assume the
ensigns of royalty, and himself assisted at the ceremony, authorizing and
abetting. When the disgraceful news had spread far and wide, lest the world
might judge of other governors by Pelignus, Helvidius Priscus was sent in
command of a legion to regulate, according to circumstances, the disordered
state of affairs. He quickly crossed Mount Taurus, and had restored order to
a great extent more by moderation than by force, when he was ordered to
return to Syria, that nothing might arise to provoke a war with Parthia. |
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50[edit] |
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For Vologeses, thinking that an opportunity
presented itself of invading Armenia, which, though the possession of his
ancestors, was now through a monstrous crime held by a foreign prince, raised
an army and prepared to establish Tiridates on the throne, so that not a
member of his house might be without kingly power. On the advance of the
Parthians, the Iberians dispersed without a battle, and the Armenian cities,
Artaxata and Tigranocerta, submitted to the yoke. Then a frightful winter or
deficient supplies, with pestilence arising from both causes, forced
Vologeses to abandon his present plans. Armenia was thus again without a
king, and was invaded by Rhadamistus, who was now fiercer than ever, looking
on the people as disloyal and sure to rebel on the first opportunity. They
however, though accustomed to be slaves, suddenly threw off their tameness
and gathered round the palace in arms. |
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51[edit] |
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Rhadamistus had no means of escape but in the
swiftness of the horses which bore him and his wife away. Pregnant as she
was, she endured, somehow or other, out of fear of the enemy and love of her
husband, the first part of the flight, but after a while, when she felt
herself shaken by its continuous speed, she implored to be rescued by an
honourable death from the shame of captivity. He at first embraced, cheered,
and encouraged her, now admiring her heroism, now filled with a sickening
apprehension at the idea of her being left to any man's mercy. Finally, urged
by the intensity of his love and familiarity with dreadful deeds, he
unsheathed his scymitar, and having stabbed her, dragged her to the bank of
the Araxes and committed her to the stream, so that her very body might be
swept away. Then in headlong flight he hurried to Iberia, his ancestral
kingdom. Zenobia meanwhile (this was her name), as she yet breathed and
showed signs of life on the calm water at the river's edge, was perceived by
some shepherds, who inferring from her noble appearance that she was no
base-born woman, bound up her wound and applied to it their rustic remedies.
As soon as they knew her name and her adventure, they conveyed her to the
city of Artaxata, whence she was conducted at the public charge to Tiridates,
who received her kindly and treated her as a royal person. |
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52[edit] |
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In the consulship of Faustus Sulla and
Salvius Otho, Furius Scribonianus was banished on the ground that he was
consulting the astrologers about the emperor's death. His mother, Junia, was
included in the accusation, as one who still resented the misfortune of exile
which she had suffered in the past. His father, Camillus, had raised an armed
insurrection in Dalmatia, and the emperor in again sparing a hostile family
sought the credit of clemency. But the exile did not live long after this;
whether he was cut off by a natural death, or by poison, was matter of
conflicting rumours, according to people's belief. A decree of the Senate was
then passed for the expulsion of the astrologers from Italy, stringent but
ineffectual. Next the emperor, in a speech, commended all who, from their
limited means, voluntarily retired from the Senatorian order, while those
were degraded from it who, by retaining their seats, added effrontery to
poverty. |
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53[edit] |
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During these proceedings he proposed to the
Senate a penalty on women who united themselves in marriage to slaves, and it
was decided that those who had thus demeaned themselves, without the
knowledge of the slave's master, should be reduced to slavery; if with his
consent, should be ranked as freedwomen. To Pallas, who, as the emperor
declared, was the author of this proposal, were offered on the motion of
Barea Soranus, consul-elect, the decorations of the praetorship and fifteen
million sesterces. Cornelius Scipio added that he deserved public thanks for
thinking less of his ancient nobility as a descendant from the kings of
Arcadia, than of the welfare of the State, and allowing himself to be
numbered among the emperor's ministers. Claudius assured them that Pallas was
content with the honour, and that he limited himself to his former poverty. A
decree of the Senate was publicly inscribed on a bronze tablet, heaping the
praises of primitive frugality on a freedman, the possessor of three hundred
million sesterces. |
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54[edit] |
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Not equally moderate was his brother,
surnamed Felix, who had for some time been governor of Judaea, and thought
that he could do any evil act with impunity, backed up as he was by such
power. It is true that the Jews had shown symptoms of commotion in a
seditious outbreak, and when they had heard of the assassination of Caius,
there was no hearty submission, as a fear still lingered that any of the
emperors might impose the same orders. Felix meanwhile, by ill-timed
remedies, stimulated disloyal acts; while he had, as a rival in the worst
wickedness, Ventidius Cumanus, who held a part of the province, which was so
divided that Galilea was governed by Cumanus, Samaria by Felix. The two
peoples had long been at feud, and now less than ever restrained their
enmity, from contempt of their rulers. And accordingly they plundered each
other, letting loose bands of robbers, forming ambuscades, and occasionally
fighting battles, and carrying the spoil and booty to the two procurators,
who at first rejoiced at all this, but, as the mischief grew, they interposed
with an armed force, which was cut to pieces. The flame of war would have
spread through the province, but it was saved by Quadratus, governor of
Syria. In dealing with the Jews, who had been daring enough to slay our
soldiers, there was little hesitation about their being capitally punished.
Some delay indeed was occasioned by Cumanus and Felix; for Claudius on
hearing the causes of the rebellion had given authority for deciding also the
case of these procurators. Quadratus, however, exhibited Felix as one of the
judges, admitting him to the bench with the view of cowing the ardour of the
prosecutors. And so Cumanus was condemned for the crimes which the two had
committed, and tranquillity was restored to the province. |
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55[edit] |
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Not long afterwards some tribes of the wild
population of Cilicia, known as the Clitae, which had often been in
commotion, established a camp, under a leader Troxobor, on their rocky
mountains, whence rushing down on the coast, and on the towns, they dared to
do violence to the farmers and townsfolk, frequently even to the merchants
and shipowners. They besieged the city Anemurium, and routed some troopers
sent from Syria to its rescue under the command of Curtius Severus; for the
rough country in the neighbourhood, suited as it is for the fighting of
infantry, did not allow of cavalry operations. After a time, Antiochus, king
of that coast, having broken the unity of the barbarian forces, by cajolery
of the people and treachery to their leader, slew Troxobor and a few chiefs,
and pacified the rest by gentle measures. |
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56[edit] |
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About the same time, the mountain between
Lake Fucinus and the river Liris was bored through, and that this grand work
might be seen by a multitude of visitors, preparations were made for a naval
battle on the lake, just as formerly Augustus exhibited such a spectacle, in
a basin he had made this side the Tiber, though with light vessels, and on a
smaller scale. Claudius equipped galleys with three and four banks of oars,
and nineteen thousand men; he lined the circumference of the lake with rafts,
that there might be no means of escape at various points, but he still left
full space for the strength of the crews, the skill of the pilots, the impact
of the vessels, and the usual operations of a seafight. On the raft stood
companies of the praetorian cohorts and cavalry, with a breastwork in front
of them, from which catapults and balistas might be worked. The rest of the
lake was occupied by marines on decked vessels. An immense multitude from the
neighbouring towns, others from Rome itself, eager to see the sight or to
show respect to the emperor, crowded the banks, the hills, and mountain tops,
which thus resembled a theatre. The emperor, with Agrippina seated near him,
presided; he wore a splendid military cloak, she, a mantle of cloth of gold.
A battle was fought with all the courage of brave men, though it was between
condemned criminals. After much bloodshed they were released from the
necessity of mutual slaughter. |
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57[edit] |
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When the sight was over, the outlet of the
water was opened. The careless execution of the work was apparent, the tunnel
not having been bored down so low as the bottom, or middle of the lake.
Consequently after an interval the excavations were deepened, and to attract
a crowd once more, a show of gladiators was exhibited, with floating pontoons
for an infantry engagement. A banquet too was prepared close to the outflow
of the lake, and it was the means of greatly alarming the whole company, for
the water, in the violence of its outburst, swept away the adjoining parts,
shook the more remote, and spread terror with the tremendous crash. At the
same time, Agrippina availed herself of the emperor's fright to charge
Narcissus, who had been the agent of the work, with avarice and peculation.
He too was not silent, but inveighed against the domineering temper of her
sex, and her extravagant ambition. |
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58[edit] |
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In the consulship of Didius Junius and
Quintus Haterius, Nero, now sixteen years of age, married Octavia, the
emperor's daughter. Anxious to distinguish himself by noble pursuits, and the
reputation of an orator, he advocated the cause of the people of Ilium, and
having eloquently recounted how Rome was the offspring of Troy, and Aeneas
the founder of the Julian line, with other old traditions akin to myths, he
gained for his clients exemption from all public burdens. His pleading too
procured for the colony of Bononia, which had been ruined by a fire, a
subvention of ten million sesterces. The Rhodians also had their freedom
restored to them, which had often been taken away, or confirmed, according to
their services to us in our foreign wars, or their seditious misdeeds at
home. Apamea, too, which had been shaken by an earthquake, had its tribute
remitted for five years. |
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59[edit] |
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Claudius, on the other hand, was being
prompted to exhibit the worst cruelty by the artifices of the same Agrippina.
On the accusation of Tarquitius Priscus, she ruined Statilius Taurus, who was
famous for his wealth, and at whose gardens she cast a greedy eye. Priscus
had served under Taurus in his proconsular government of Africa, and after
their return charged him with a few acts of extortion, but particularly with
magical and superstitious practices. Taurus, no longer able to endure a false
accusation and an undeserved humiliation, put a violent end to his life
before the Senate's decision was pronounced. Tarquitius was however expelled
from the Senate, a point which the senators carried, out of hatred for the
accuser, notwithstanding the intrigues of Agrippina. |
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60[edit] |
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That same year the emperor was often heard to
say that the legal decisions of the commissioners of the imperial treasury
ought to have the same force as if pronounced by himself. Lest it might be
supposed that he had stumbled inadvertently into this opinion, its principle
was also secured by a decree of the Senate on a more complete and ample scale
than before. It had indeed already been arranged by the Divine Augustus that
the Roman knights who governed Egypt should hear causes, and that their
decisions were to be as binding as those of Roman magistrates, and after a
time most of the cases formerly tried by the praetors were submitted to the
knights. Claudius handed over to them the whole administration of justice for
which there had been by sedition or war so many struggles; the Sempronian
laws vesting judicial power in the equestrian order, and those of Servilius
restoring it to the Senate, while it was for this above everything else that
Marius and Sulla fought of old. But those were days of political conflict
between classes, and the results of victory were binding on the State. Caius
Oppius and Cornelius Balbus were the first who were able, with Caesar's
support, to settle conditions of peace and terms of war. To mention after
them the Matii, Vedii, and other too influential names of Roman knights would
be superfluous, when Claudius, we know, raised freedmen whom he had set over
his household to equality with himself and with the laws. |
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61[edit] |
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Next the emperor proposed to grant immunity
from taxation to the people of Cos, and he dwelt much on their antiquity.
"The Argives or Coeus, the father of Latona, were the earliest
inhabitants of the island; soon afterwards, by the arrival of Aesculapius,
the art of the physician was introduced and was practised with much fame by
his descendants." Claudius named them one by one, with the periods in
which they had respectively flourished. He said too that Xenophon, of whose
medical skill he availed himself, was one of the same family, and that they
ought to grant his request and let the people of Cos dwell free from all
tribute in their sacred island, as a place devoted to the sole service of
their god. It was also certain that many obligations under which they had
laid Rome and joint victories with her might have been recounted. Claudius
however did not seek to veil under any external considerations a concession
he had made, with his usual good nature, to an individual. |
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62[edit] |
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Envoys from Byzantium having received
audience, in complaining to the Senate of their heavy burdens, recapitulated
their whole history. Beginning with the treaty which they concluded with us
when we fought against that king of Macedonia whose supposed spurious birth
acquired for him the name of the Pseudo Philip, they reminded us of the
forces which they had afterwards sent against Antiochus, Perses and
Aristonicus, of the aid they had given Antonius in the pirate-war, of their
offers to Sulla, Lucullus, and Pompeius, and then of their late services to
the Caesars, when they were in occupation of a district peculiarly convenient
for the land or sea passage of generals and armies, as well as for the
conveyance of supplies. |
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It was indeed on that very narrow strait
which parts Europe from Asia, at Europe's furthest extremity, that the Greeks
built Byzantium. When they consulted the Pythian Apollo as to where they
should found a city, the oracle replied that they were to seek a home
opposite to the blind men's country. This obscure hint pointed to the people
of Chalcedon, who, though they arrived there first and saw before others the
advantageous position, chose the worse. For Byzantium has a fruitful soil and
productive seas, as immense shoals of fish pour out of the Pontus and are
driven by the sloping surface of the rocks under water to quit the windings
of the Asiatic shore and take refuge in these harbours. Consequently the
inhabitants were at first money-making and wealthy traders, but afterwards,
under the pressure of excessive burdens, they petitioned for immunity or at
least relief, and were supported by the emperor, who argued to the Senate
that, exhausted as they were by the late wars in Thrace and Bosporus, they
deserved help. So their tribute was remitted for five years. |
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64[edit] |
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In the year of the consulship of Marcus
Asinius and Manius Acilius it was seen to be portended by a succession of
prodigies that there were to be political changes for the worse. The
soldiers' standards and tents were set in a blaze by lightning. A swarm of
bees settled on the summit of the Capitol; births of monsters, half man, half
beast, and of a pig with a hawk's talons, were reported. It was accounted a
portent that every order of magistrates had had its number reduced, a
quaestor, an aedile, a tribune, a praetor and consul having died within a few
months. But Agrippina's terror was the most conspicuous. Alarmed by some
words dropped by Claudius when half intoxicated, that it was his destiny to
have to endure his wives' infamy and at last punish it, she determined to act
without a moment's delay. First she destroyed Lepida from motives of feminine
jealousy. Lepida indeed as the daughter of the younger Antonia, as the
grandniece of Augustus, the cousin of Agrippina, and sister of her husband
Cneius, thought herself of equally high rank. In beauty, youth, and wealth
they differed but slightly. Both were shameless, infamous, and intractable,
and were rivals in vice as much as in the advantages they had derived from
fortune. It was indeed a desperate contest whether the aunt or the mother
should have most power over Nero. Lepida tried to win the young prince's
heart by flattery and lavish liberality, while Agrippina on the other hand,
who could give her son empire but could not endure that he should be emperor,
was fierce and full of menace. |
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65[edit] |
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It was charged on Lepida that she had made
attempts on the Emperor's consort by magical incantations, and was disturbing
the peace of Italy by an imperfect control of her troops of slaves in
Calabria. She was for this sentenced to death, notwithstanding the vehement
opposition of Narcissus, who, as he more and more suspected Agrippina, was
said to have plainly told his intimate friends that "his destruction was
certain, whether Britannicus or Nero were to be emperor, but that he was
under such obligations to Claudius that he would sacrifice life to his
welfare. Messalina and Silius had been convicted, and now again there were
similar grounds for accusation. If Nero were to rule, or Britannicus succeed
to the throne, he would himself have no claim on the then reigning sovereign.
Meanwhile, a stepmother's treacherous schemes were convulsing the whole
imperial house, with far greater disgrace than would have resulted from his
concealment of the profligacy of the emperor's former wife. Even as it was,
there was shamelessness enough, seeing that Pallas was her paramour, so that
no one could doubt that she held honour, modesty and her very person,
everything, in short, cheaper than sovereignty." This, and the like, he
was always saying, and he would embrace Britannicus, expressing earnest
wishes for his speedy arrival at a mature age, and would raise his hand, now
to heaven, now to the young prince, with entreaty that as he grew up, he
would drive out his father's enemies and also take vengeance on the murderers
of his mother. |
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66[edit] |
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Under this great burden of anxiety, he had an
attack of illness, and went to Sinuessa to recruit his strength with its
balmy climate and salubrious waters. Thereupon, Agrippina, who had long
decided on the crime and eagerly grasped at the opportunity thus offered, and
did not lack instruments, deliberated on the nature of the poison to be used.
The deed would be betrayed by one that was sudden and instantaneous, while if
she chose a slow and lingering poison, there was a fear that Claudius, when
near his end, might, on detecting the treachery, return to his love for his
son. She decided on some rare compound which might derange his mind and delay
death. A person skilled in such matters was selected, Locusta by name, who
had lately been condemned for poisoning, and had long been retained as one of
the tools of despotism. By this woman's art the poison was prepared, and it
was to be administered by an eunuch, Halotus, who was accustomed to bring in
and taste the dishes. |
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67[edit] |
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All the circumstances were subsequently so
well known, that writers of the time have declared that the poison was
infused into some mushrooms, a favourite delicacy, and its effect not at the
instant perceived, from the emperor's lethargic, or intoxicated condition.
His bowels too were relieved, and this seemed to have saved him. Agrippina
was thoroughly dismayed. Fearing the worst, and defying the immediate obloquy
of the deed, she availed herself of the complicity of Xenophon, the
physician, which she had already secured. Under pretence of helping the
emperor's efforts to vomit, this man, it is supposed, introduced into his
throat a feather smeared with some rapid poison; for he knew that the
greatest crimes are perilous in their inception, but well rewarded after
their consummation. |
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68[edit] |
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Meanwhile the Senate was summoned, and
prayers rehearsed by the consuls and priests for the emperor's recovery,
though the lifeless body was being wrapped in blankets with warm
applications, while all was being arranged to establish Nero on the throne. At
first Agrippina, seemingly overwhelmed by grief and seeking comfort, clasped
Britannicus in her embraces, called him the very image of his father, and
hindered him by every possible device from leaving the chamber. She also
detained his sisters, Antonia and Octavia, closed every approach to the
palace with a military guard, and repeatedly gave out that the emperor's
health was better, so that the soldiers might be encouraged to hope, and that
the fortunate moment foretold by the astrologers might arrive. |
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69[edit] |
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At last, at noon on the 13th of October, the
gates of the palace were suddenly thrown open, and Nero, accompanied by
Burrus, went forth to the cohort which was on guard after military custom.
There, at the suggestion of the commanding officer, he was hailed with joyful
shouts, and set on a litter. Some, it is said, hesitated, and looked round
and asked where Britannicus was; then, when there was no one to lead a
resistance, they yielded to what was offered them. Nero was conveyed into the
camp, and having first spoken suitably to the occasion and promised a
donative after the example of his father's bounty, he was unanimously greeted
as emperor. The decrees of the Senate followed the voice of the soldiers, and
there was no hesitation in the provinces. Divine honours were decreed to
Claudius, and his funeral rites were solemnized on the same scale as those of
Augustus; for Agrippina strove to emulate the magnificence of her
great-grandmother, Livia. But his will was not publicly read, as the
preference of the stepson to the son might provoke a sense of wrong and angry
feeling in the popular mind. |
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Annals (Tacitus) |
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From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia |
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Jump to
navigationJump to search |
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"The
Annals" redirects here. For the academic publication by the American
Academy of Political and Social Science, see American Academy of
Political and Social Science § The Annals. |
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A copy of
the second Medicean manuscript of Annals, Book 15, chapter 44 |
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The Annals (Latin: Annales) by Roman historian and senator Tacitus[1] is a history of the Roman
Empire from the reign of Tiberius to that of Nero, the years AD 14–68.[2] The Annals are an important
source for modern understanding of the history of the Roman Empire during the
1st century AD;[3] it is Tacitus' final work, and modern historians
generally consider it his greatest writing.[4] Historian Ronald Mellor calls it "Tacitus's crowning achievement,” which
represents the "pinnacle of Roman historical writing".[5] |
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Tacitus' Histories and Annals together amounted to 30 books; although some scholars
disagree about which work to assign some books to, traditionally 14 are
assigned to Histories and 16 to Annals. Of the 30 books referred to by Jerome about half have
survived.[2] |
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Modern scholars believe that as a Roman senator, Tacitus had access
to Acta Senatus—the
Roman senate's records—which provided a solid basis for his work.[4] Although
Tacitus refers to part of his work as "my annals", the title of the
work Annals used
today was not assigned by Tacitus himself, but derives from its year-by-year
structure.[2][3] The name of the current manuscript seems to be
"Books of History from the Death of the Divine Augustus" (Ab Excessu divi Augusti Historiarum Libri). |
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Contents |
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·
1Background and structure |
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· 2Content
and style |
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·
3Provenance and authenticity |
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· 4In
popular culture |
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· 5See also |
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·
6References |
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· 7Further
reading |
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· 8External
links |
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Background
and structure[edit] |
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The Fire of Rome, July 64, during the
reign of Nero,
by Karl von Piloty,
1861. |
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The Annals was Tacitus' final work and provides a key source for
modern understanding of the history of the Roman
Empire from the beginning of the reign
of Tiberius in
AD 14 to the end of the reign of Nero, in AD 68.[3] Tacitus wrote the Annals in at least 16 books, but books 7–10 and parts of books
5, 6, 11 and 16 are missing.[3] |
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The period covered by the Histories (written before
the Annals)
starts at the beginning of the year AD 69, i.e. six months after the death
of Nero and
continues to the death of Domitian in 96.[3] It is not known when Tacitus began writing the Annals,
but he was well into writing it by AD 116.[2] Modern scholars believe that as a senator, Tacitus had
access to Acta Senatus, the Roman senate's records, thus providing a solid basis for
his work.[4] |
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Together the Histories and the Annals amounted to 30 books.[2] These thirty books are referred to by Saint Jerome, and about half of
them have survived.[2] Although some scholars differ on how to assign the books
to each work, traditionally fourteen are assigned to Histories and sixteen to
the Annals.[2] Tacitus'
friend Pliny referred to "your histories" when writing to him about
his earlier work.[2] Although Tacitus refers to part of his work as "my
annals", the title of the work Annals used today was not assigned by Tacitus himself, but
derives from its year-by-year structure.[2][3] |
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Of the sixteen books in Annals, the reign of Tiberius
takes up six books, of which only Book 5 is missing. These books are neatly
divided into two sets of three, corresponding to the change in the nature of
the political climate during the period.[3] |
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The next six books are devoted to the reigns
of Caligula and Claudius. Books 7 through 10 are
missing. Books 11 & 12 cover the period from the treachery of Messalina to the end of
Claudius' reign. |
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The final four books cover the reign of Nero and Book 16 cuts off in
the middle of the year AD 66.[3] This leaves the material that would have covered the
final two years of Nero's reign lost.[2] |
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Content and
style[edit] |
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Tacitus documented a Roman imperial system of
government that originated with the Battle of
Actium in September 31 BC. Yet Tacitus chose
not to start then, but with the death of Augustus
Caesar in AD 14, and his succession by Tiberius.[4] |
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As in the Histories, Tacitus maintains his thesis of the necessity of the principate. He says again that
Augustus gave and warranted peace to the state after years of civil war, but
on the other hand he shows us the dark side of life under the Caesars. The history of the
beginning of the principate is also the history of the end of the political
freedom that the senatorial aristocracy, which Tacitus viewed as morally
decadent, corrupt, and servile towards the emperor, had enjoyed during the
republic. During Nero's reign there had been a widespread diffusion of
literary works in favor of this suicidal exitus
illustrium virorum ("end of the
illustrious men"). Again, as in his Agricola, Tacitus is opposed to those who chose useless martyrdom
through vain suicides. |
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In the Annals, Tacitus further improved the style of portraiture that he
had used so well in the Historiae. Perhaps the best portrait is that of Tiberius, portrayed in
an indirect way, painted progressively during the course of a narrative, with
observations and commentary along the way filling in details.[2] Tacitus
portrays both Tiberius and Nero as tyrants who caused fear in their subjects.[2] But while he
views Tiberius as someone who had once been a great man, Tacitus considers
Nero as simply despicable.[2] |
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Provenance
and authenticity[edit] |
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Corvey Abbey, where Annals 1–6 were discovered.[6] |
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Since the 18th century, at least five attempts
have been made to challenge the authenticity of the Annals as having been written by someone other than
Tacitus, Voltaire's
criticism being perhaps the first.[7] Voltaire was generally critical of Tacitus and said that
Tacitus did not comply with the standards for providing a historical
background to civilization.[8] In 1878, John Wilson Ross and, in 1890, Polydore Hochart
suggested that the whole of the Annals had been forged by the Italian scholar Poggio Bracciolini (1380–1459).[9][10][11] According
to Robert Van Voorst this was an "extreme hypothesis" which never
gained a following among modern scholars.[11] |
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The provenance of the manuscripts containing the Annals goes back to the Renaissance. While Bracciolini had
discovered three minor works at Hersfeld
Abbey in Germany in 1425, Zanobi da Strada (who died in
1361) had probably earlier discovered Annals 11–16 at Monte Cassino where he
lived for some time.[6][12] The copies of Annals at Monte Cassino were probably
moved to Florence by Giovanni Boccaccio (1313–1375),
a friend of da Strada, who is also credited with their discovery at Monte
Cassino.[12][13][14] Regardless of whether the Monte Cassino manuscripts were
moved to Florence by Boccaccio or da Strada, Boccaccio made use of the Annals
when he wrote Commento di Dante c. 1374 (before the birth of Poggio Bracciolini), giving
an account of Seneca's death directly based on the Tacitean account in Annals book 15.[15][16] Francis
Newton states that it is likely[why?] that Annals 11–16 were in Monte Cassino during the
first half of the rule of Abbot Desiderius (1058–1087) who later became Pope Victor III.[17] Annals 1–6
were then independently discovered at Corvey
Abbey in Germany in 1508 by Giovanni Angelo
Arcimboldi, afterwards Archbishop of Milan, and were first published in Rome
in 1515 by Beroaldus, by order of Pope Leo X, who afterwards deposited the manuscript in the Medicean
Library in Florence.[6] |
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In popular
culture[edit] |
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In Donna Leon's third Commissario Brunetti novel Dressed for Death (1994), the
protagonist reads Tacitus' Annals in his spare time in the evenings, and various
references to that material are made throughout the novel. Tacitus is also
mentioned briefly in "The Mysteries of Udolpho" volume VI chapter
VIII |
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See also |
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VANNIUS, f. ab Hisp. Vanno,
vel Banno, Balneum : nisi sit nomen loci. Charta inter Conc.
Hispan. tom. 3. pag. 168 : |
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Et
conclude per illum flumen usque intrat Lor in Sylæ, et item ad aquiaria et
per Vannios. |
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From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia |
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Vannius was the
king of the Germanic tribe Quadi. He lived in the 1st century. The Kingdom of Vannius (regnum Vannianum) was in the
western part of present day Slovakia and it was the first political unit in Slovak area. He was a client
King of Pannonia and Dalmatia and served from 17-20AD under the reign
of Tiberius. |
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Vannes |
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Pour les articles homonymes,
voir Vanne (homonymie). |
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Vannes |
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De haut en bas et de gauche à droite : les remparts de Vannes, des maisons à
pans de bois, les vieux lavoirs, les lavoirs et la tour de connétable, une ruelle de
l'intra muros et le clocher de l'église
Saint-Patern. |
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Blason |
Logo |
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Administration |
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Pays |
France |
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Région |
Bretagne |
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Département |
Morbihan (préfecture) |
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Arrondissement |
Vannes (chef-lieu) |
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Intercommunalité |
Golfe du
Morbihan - Vannes Agglomération |
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(siège) |
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Maire |
David Robo (DVD) |
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Mandat |
2020-2026 |
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Code postal |
56000 |
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Code commune |
56260 |
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Démographie |
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Gentilé |
Vannetais |
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Population |
53 438 hab. (2018 |
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municipale |
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Densité |
1 654 hab./km2 |
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Population |
79 795 hab. (2017) |
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agglomération |
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Géographie |
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Coordonnées |
47° 39′ 21″ nord,
2° 45′ 37″ ouest |
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Altitude |
Min. 0 m |
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Max. 56 m |
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Superficie |
32,30 km2 |
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Élections |
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Départementales |
Cantons de Vannes-1, Vannes-2 et Vannes-3 |
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(bureau centralisateur) |
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Législatives |
Première
circonscription |
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Localisation |
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Géolocalisation sur la carte : France |
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Voir sur la carte
administrative de Bretagne |
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Voir sur la carte
topographique du Morbihan |
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Voir sur la carte
administrative de France |
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Voir sur la carte
topographique de France |
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Liens |
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Site web |
vannes.bzh [archive] |
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modifier |
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Vannes /van/Note 1 Écouter (en breton Gwened : [ˈɡɥeːnet] en gallo Vann) est une commune française située dans
l’ouest de la France sur la côte sud de la région
Bretagne. La ville, située en Basse-Bretagne, est la préfecture
du département du Morbihan, et le siège d'une agglomération de
168 351 habitants. Centre économique et destination touristique1 à la tête
d’une aire urbaine de
158 549 habitants au 1er janvier 2017i 1, et d'une population municipale de 53 218 habitants
au 1er janvier 2016i 2, Vannes est
la 4e agglomération de la région Bretagnei 3 en nombre d'habitants, et le 3e pôle
universitaire de Bretagne2. |
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La ville est bâtie
en amphithéâtre au fond du golfe du Morbihan ; la vieille ville est enfermée dans ses remparts,
groupée autour de la cathédrale Saint-Pierre ; elle a été aménagée en zone piétonne et offre des
commerces installés dans des demeures à pans
de bois, dites aussi à colombages. |
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Après la guerre qui opposa les Vénètes aux légions de César, l’administration romaine
fait de Darioritum, nom antique de la ville, la civitas des Vénètes à la fin
du ier siècle av. J.-C. sous
le règne d'Auguste3. La ville accueille l’évêché et les ordres religieux catholiques en 465 lors du concile de Vannes. Ce concile
consacre Patern,
saint patron de la cité, saint fondateur de
Bretagne et premier évêque attesté de Vannes4,5. |
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Au cœur d'un comté qui forme un
espace-frontière, la cité est conquise en 578 par le roi Waroch II qui organise le Bro
Waroch, espace politique dont Vannes est la
capitale. Sa position centrale en Bretagne-sud confère à Vannes et à ses
chefs politiques et religieux un rôle prédominant. Les comtes et évêques de Vannes sont des
personnages clés de l'équilibre entre la Bretagne et la France. |
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Ville du
missus Nominoe, cité
royale de Bretagne à
la fin du Ier millénaire, Vannes devient après la guerre de Succession de Bretagne le
siège de la puissance ducale. Théâtre de l'Union
de la Bretagne à la France en 1532, Vannes connaît un essor
religieux exceptionnel au cours des xvie et xviie siècles avant de sombrer dans la langueur
jusqu'aux années 1870 et l'installation de régiments. L'après Première Guerre mondiale marque
le temps des mutations alors que l'après Seconde
Guerre mondiale marque celui de la
croissance économique et démographique. |
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Vannes, la cité des Vénètes, constitue un
point de départ pour les excursions vers la célèbre « petite mer ».
Quant à la vieille ville médiévale regroupée autour de sa cathédrale Saint-Pierre et
entourée de remparts, elle est visitée pour son
patrimoine architectural6. Ce quartier compte de nombreuses rues piétonnes surplombées
par de très vieilles maisons à colombages. |
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Sommaire |
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·
1Géographie |
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1.1Localisation |
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o 1.2Communes limitrophes |
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1.3Topographie |
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o 1.4Hydrographie et hydrologie |
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1.5Climat |
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o 1.6Voies de communication et transports |
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· 2Urbanisme |
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o 2.1Morphologie urbaine |
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2.2Quartiers |
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2.3Logement |
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o 2.4Projets d’aménagement |
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· 3Toponymie |
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o 3.1Le nom de Darioritum |
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o
3.2Le nom de Vannes |
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· 4Histoire |
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· 5Politique
et administration |
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o 5.1Découpage administratif |
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o 5.2Tendances politiques et résultats |
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o 5.3Administration municipale |
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o 5.4Instances judiciaires et
administratives |
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5.5Défense |
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o 5.6Sécurité |
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o 5.7Jumelages et partenariats |
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·
6Population et société |
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o
6.1Démographie |
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o
6.2Enseignement |
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o 6.3Manifestations culturelles et
festivités |
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o
6.4Santé |
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o
6.5Sports |
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o
6.6Médias |
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o 6.7Cultes et lieux de culte |
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o
6.8Langue bretonne |
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· 7Économie |
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o 7.1Revenus de la population et fiscalité |
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o
7.2Emploi |
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o
7.3La technopole |
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o 7.4Démographie des entreprises |
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o 7.5Marchés et commerces |
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· 8Culture
locale et patrimoine |
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o 8.1Lieux et monuments |
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o 8.2Patrimoine culturel |
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o 8.3Personnalités liées à la commune |
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o 8.4Héraldique, drapeau et logotype |
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· 9Notes et
références |
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o
9.1Notes |
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o 9.2Références |
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· 10Voir
aussi |
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o
10.1Bibliographie |
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o
10.2Articles connexes |
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o
10.3Liens externes |
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Géographie[modifier | modifier le code] |
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Localisation[modifier | modifier le code] |
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Vannes sur les rives nord du golfe du Morbihan. |
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Vannes se situe
sur les rives nord du golfe du Morbihan, sur l'estuaire de la Marle au sud-centre de la péninsule armoricaine. La ville,
située sur le littoral sud breton entre le golfe
du Morbihan au sud et les landes de Lanvaux au nord,
est à la fois en bord de mer et à l'intérieur des terres en étant distante de
15 km de l'océan Atlantique en direction du sud-ouest. Desservie par la RN 165, l'agglomération vannetaise
est localisée sur un axe qui comprend quelques-unes des plus grandes
agglomérations de Bretagne : Brest, Quimper, Lorient, Vannes et Nantes. |
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Vannes est située
à 400,7 km à l'ouest de Paris7. Les deux aéroports proposant des vols réguliers vers
d'autres villes françaises sont l'aéroport de
Nantes-Atlantique et l'aéroport de Lorient-Bretagne-Sud.
Par la route, Vannes se situe à 110 km de Rennes, de Nantes, à
120 km de Quimper et à 460 km de Paris (soit cinq heures8 par l'autoroute). |
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Vannes s'est
développée autour du centre historique qui se trouve à la jonction de trois
collines : la colline du Mené où est situé l'intra-muros de la ville, la
colline de Boismoreau où est situé le quartier Saint-Patern et la colline de
la Garenne qui accueille l'hôtel de la préfecture, les jardins de la
préfecture, le parc de la Garenne ainsi que le siège du conseil général
du Morbihan. |
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La porte Saint Vincent,
principale porte d'entrée de la vieille ville, baigne au pied du port de plaisance dont
l'accès se fait par un chenal (direction sud-nord) de 1 500 mètres
qui mène les bateaux du pont de Kérino au bassin à flot. |
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Représentations cartographiques de la commune |
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Carte
OpenStreetMap |
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Carte
topographique |
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Communes limitrophes[modifier | modifier le code] |
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Communes limitrophes de Vannes |
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Plescop |
Saint-Avé |
Saint-Nolff |
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Ploeren |
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Theix-Noyalo |
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Arradon |
Golfe du Morbihan |
Séné |
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Toutes sont situées dans
la communauté d'agglomération Golfe du Morbihan - Vannes
Agglomération. À l’extrémité sud de la ville,
au-delà de l’estuaire de la Marle, se trouve l’île
d’Arz qui accueille la commune du même nom
(254 habitants). |
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Topographie[modifier | modifier le code] |
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Cette section est vide,
insuffisamment détaillée ou incomplète. Votre aide est la bienvenue ! Comment
faire ? |
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Source9. |
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Hydrographie et hydrologie[modifier | modifier le code] |
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Localisation de Vannes au fond du golfe du Morbihan - Zone
Belle-île, Baie de Quiberon, Golfe du Morbihan. |
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Située au nord de
l'estuaire de Vannes où se jettent les rivières de la Marle, du Vincin et de Séné, la ville est bâtie au fond
du golfe du Morbihan. Le golfe est classé parmi les baies fermées, c'est-à-dire
celles qui ne communiquent avec la mer que par un étroit goulet. Le golfe
connaît un cycle de marée perturbé, il est sillonné par des courants et des
contre-courants qui s'alternent créant tourbillons et remous. D'autre part,
le marnage (amplitude
maximale entre la haute et la basse mer) est plus faible à l'intérieur qu'à
l'extérieur puisque l'ouverture du golfe est faible et le bassin étendu.
Cette diminution du marnage est sensible dans le golfe du Morbihan
(110 km2 pour une ouverture de 900 m). Avec une hauteur
d’eau de 4,5 m, le marnage moyen est relativement faible à Vannes. Avec
5 m à Port-Navalo et 4,5 m à Vannes, le marnage du golfe est
très faible par rapport à celui de pleine mer (environ 8 m). |
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L'étroitesse du
goulet de Port-Navalo et
la configuration topographique du golfe créent des courants parmi les plus
violents du littoral français. Les courants
marins les plus violents peuvent atteindre
3,8 m/s dans
la Passe des Moutons, entre Locmariaquer et Port-Navalo lors des forts coefficients (120). |
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Le golfe du
Morbihan, qui est classé en zone conchylicole, appartient au Réseau Natura
200010 en
tant que Zone spéciale de conservation dans son ensemble et Zone
de protection spéciale pour l'estuaire de la
Marle, la réserve naturelle nationale des
marais de Séné, la partie Est et le marais de Pen an Toul situé
au Sud de Baden.
C'est un site remarquable par la qualité de son milieu marin et sa forte
productivité biologique. Des mammifères
marins y sont présents, par exemple le grand dauphin et la loutre. On y trouve aussi des
chauves-souris, notamment le grand murin, le grand rhinolophe et le petit rhinolophe. |
|
Climat[modifier | modifier le code] |
|
|
Relevé météorologique de Vannes 1981 - 2010 à 3
mètres d'altitude |
|
Mois |
jan. |
fév. |
mars |
avril |
mai |
juin |
jui. |
août |
sep. |
oct. |
nov. |
déc. |
année |
|
Température minimale moyenne (°C) |
3 |
2,6 |
4,5 |
6,2 |
9,6 |
12,1 |
14,2 |
13,6 |
11,6 |
9,1 |
5,6 |
3,3 |
8 |
|
Température moyenne (°C) |
6,2 |
6,2 |
8,7 |
10,8 |
14,2 |
17,1 |
19,1 |
18,8 |
16,8 |
13,1 |
9,3 |
6,6 |
12,2 |
|
Température maximale moyenne
(°C) |
9,3 |
9,8 |
12,8 |
15,4 |
18,8 |
22 |
24,1 |
23,8 |
21,8 |
17,2 |
12,8 |
9,8 |
16,5 |
|
Nombre de jours avec gel |
8,9 |
9,1 |
4,4 |
1 |
0,1 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0,3 |
3,3 |
8,3 |
35,4 |
|
Ensoleillement
(h) |
71 |
97 |
141 |
185 |
183 |
239 |
239 |
220 |
202 |
122 |
95 |
95 |
1 889 |
|
Précipitations (mm) |
93,2 |
67,8 |
70,9 |
56 |
64,4 |
48,5 |
49,7 |
43,9 |
57,4 |
102,9 |
82,4 |
97,4 |
837,5 |
|
Nombre de jours avec
précipitations |
12,9 |
9,4 |
11,5 |
9,9 |
9,5 |
7,7 |
7 |
7 |
7,6 |
11,9 |
12,1 |
12,2 |
118,7 |
|
Source : Météo
Bretagne [archive], Météo Passion [archive] |
|
Diagramme climatique |
|
|
J |
F |
M |
A |
M |
J |
J |
A |
S |
O |
N |
D |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
9,3 |
9,8 |
12,8 |
15,4 |
18,8 |
22 |
24,1 |
23,8 |
21,8 |
17,2 |
12,8 |
9,8 |
|
|
3 |
2,6 |
4,5 |
6,2 |
9,6 |
12,1 |
14,2 |
13,6 |
11,6 |
9,1 |
5,6 |
3,3 |
|
|
93,2 |
67,8 |
70,9 |
56 |
64,4 |
48,5 |
49,7 |
43,9 |
57,4 |
102,9 |
82,4 |
97,4 |
|
|
Moyennes : •
Temp. maxi et mini °C • Précipitation mm |
|
|
Située sur la côte
sud de la péninsule bretonne et sur les rives nord du Golfe du Morbihan, le climat de
Vannes est influencé par l'océan Atlantique proche et bénéficie d'un climat océanique. Ce climat se
caractérise par des hivers doux et pluvieux, et des étés frais et
relativement humides, sachant que le maximum de précipitations se produit
durant la saison froide. L'ensoleillement moyen est supérieur à
2 000 heures par an 11. |
|
Le tableau ci-dessous indique les : |
|
|
| 'Relevés des records de
températures, les records de pluviométrie depuis 1962 ainsi que les records
de vitesse de vent depuis 198212. |
|
|
Mois |
Janv. |
Fév. |
Mars |
Avr. |
Mai |
Juin |
Juil. |
Août |
Sept. |
Oct. |
Nov. |
Déc. |
Année |
|
Températures maximales records (°C) depuis 1962 |
16,7 |
18,8 |
23,7 |
27,9 |
30 |
38 |
37,7 |
39,1 |
32,1 |
28,5 |
21,2 |
17.3 |
- |
|
Années des températures maximales |
2003 |
1998 |
2005 |
1984 |
2010 |
1976 |
2012 |
1990 |
2005 |
1997 |
1978 |
1978 |
1997 |
|
Températures minimales records (°C) depuis 1962 |
-11,8 |
-11 |
-8,7 |
-3 |
-1,1 |
1,6 |
6,4 |
4,5 |
2 |
-2,5 |
-5,3 |
-8,2 |
- |
|
Années des températures minimales |
1963 |
2012 |
2005 |
1986 |
1979 |
1989 |
1982 |
1986 |
1972 |
1997 |
2007 |
1962 |
- |
|
Vitesse du vent maximale en km/h depuis
1982 |
133 |
126 |
137 |
94 |
94 |
86 |
94 |
86 |
104 |
122 |
97 |
119 |
- |
|
Années des records |
1998 |
1990 |
2008 |
2004 |
2000 |
1990 |
2004 |
2004 |
1993 |
1987 |
1987 |
1999 |
- |
|
Précipitations maximales (hauteur en mm) depuis 1961 |
48,7 |
46,9 |
46,4 |
33,2 |
43,2 |
49,2 |
63,4 |
59,3 |
44 |
51,6 |
41.2 |
50,7 |
2 000 (max) |
|
1 973 (min) |
|
Voies de communication et
transports[modifier | modifier le code] |
|
|
|
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|
Plan et réseau routier du centre-ville. |
|
|
Dès l'Antiquité, Darioritum était située sur
la route de l'Océan, voie romaine reliant Lyon à Brest. La capitale des Vénètes était un important carrefour d’où
convergeaient six voies romaines, la première vers Locmariaquer, la seconde vers Hennebont, la troisième vers Corseul, avec embranchement sur Carhaix, la quatrième vers Rennes, la cinquième vers Rieux, et la sixième vers Arzal, avec embranchement sur Port-Navalo. |
|
Réseau routier[modifier | modifier le code] |
|
|
Vannes est située sur un
carrefour entre l'axe autoroutier qui relie Nantes à Brest (RN 165) et l'axe rapide RN 166 vers Ploërmel puis RN 24 vers Rennes. Vannes est également située sur la route européenne 60 qui
relie Brest à Nantes. |
|
|
La portion de la
RN 165 limitée à 90 km/h, qui commence au niveau de la commune
de Séné et se
termine peu après la frontière qui sépare Vannes de la commune de Ploeren constitue la rocade
de Vannes. La rocade de forme semi-circulaire est située au nord du
centre-ville de Vannes et sert de frontière entre les deux parties de la
ville. À l'ouest de la ville, la rocade dessert les deux grandes zones
commerciales : la ZC de Parc Lann au nord et la ZC de
Kerlann au sud. À l'est, deux sorties
desservent des zones d'activités : la zone
industrielle du Prat au sud et les zones
artisanales et commerciales de Pentaparc et du Chapeau Rouge au nord. Les sorties « centre-ville » se
situent, d'une part et d'autre, au niveau du centre
d'incendie et de secours et de la
piscine Vanocéa. |
|
Entre 1988 et
2016, le pont de Kerino,
situé à l'embouchure de la Marle, au sud du port de plaisance, permettait aux
véhicules de franchir la rivière. Depuis le 24 juin 2016, le tunnel de Kerino permet de ne
plus interrompre le trafic des véhicules pour laisser passer les bateaux. |
|
Réseau ferroviaire[modifier | modifier le code] |
|
|
|
Gare de Vannes. |
|
|
Article détaillé : Gare de
Vannes. |
|
|
Vannes est une
destination desservie par la ligne Savenay -
Landerneau longeant la côte sud de la Bretagne, qui constitue
l'essentiel de la relation Nantes - Brest. Une gare routière, située à proximité immédiate de la gare ferroviaire, permet de gagner
les communes non desservies par les voies ferrées, la gare maritime de
Vannes, l'aéroport de Vannes. La gare de Vannes a fait l'objet, de 2006 à 2009, de profondes
transformations avec intégration d'une verrière, mise aux normes pour les personnes handicapées et
aménagement des parkings environnants. |
|
Les trains de l'Intercités Hendaye - Quimper et de l'Intercités de nuit Lyon - Quimper desservent la gare de la ville, construite en
1862. La ville est également desservie par les lignes 2 (Rennes-Quimper), 3 (Quimper-Nantes),
12 (Vannes-Lorient), 19 (Redon-Vannes) et 27 (Saint-Brieuc-Vannes-Lorient) du TER Bretagne13. |
|
Le TGV dessert Vannes sur
la ligne Paris - Quimper. À partir du 2018 le parcours Paris - Vannes se fait
en moyenne en 2 h 30. |
|
|
Vélos[modifier | modifier le code] |
|
|
Article détaillé : Vélocéo. |
|
|
Vannes possède
un réseau cyclable de
54 km14.
dont l'expansion et la modernisation est l'un des objectifs du plan de déplacements urbains. Par
ailleurs, Vannes a été dotée, entre juin 2009 et juin 2017, d'un système
de vélopartage baptisé Vélocéo et géré par Transdev pour le compte de la
municipalité, remplacé en 2018 Vélocéo, un système de vélos en libre-service à assistance
électrique. |
|
Transports aériens[modifier | modifier le code] |
|
|
Article
détaillé : Aéroport de Vannes. |
|
|
Vannes dispose
d'un aéroport situé sur la commune de Monterblanc15. L'aéroport de
Vannes officiellement appelé « Aéroport de Vannes - Golfe du
Morbihan », est depuis janvier 2008 la propriété de la Golfe
du Morbihan - Vannes Agglomération. La société
d’exploitation de Vannes aéroport (SEVA) est le gestionnaire de l’aéroport de
Vannes - Golfe du Morbihan depuis le 1er janvier 2007. La SEVA est une filiale du
groupe canadien SNC-Lavalin qui gère deux autres aéroports en France. |
|
L'aéroport qui est
à usage civil, ouvert au trafic national et international (sur demande) a
comme principales activités l'aviation d'affaires, l'aviation de tourisme et
l'aviation de loisirs. L'aéroport accueille l'aéroclub de Vannes, le
club ULM du Golfe
et l'école de parachutisme de Vannes. |
|
Transports collectifs[modifier | modifier le code] |
|
|
|
|
|
Bus de la ligne 1 à l'arrêt République. |
|
|
Article
détaillé : Transports en commun de Vannes. |
|
|
Le réseau de transport collectif urbain et
périurbain de la ville, nommé Kicéo, est exploité par la Compagnie des
Transports Golfe du Morbihan - Vannes Agglomération (CGTMVA)16, une entreprise
filiale du groupe RATP Dev. Le réseau est composé de 21 lignes régulières : 15
lignes urbaines (dont une en soirée), 5 lignes périurbaines, une navette de
centre-ville ainsi qu'un service de transport
à la demande. Le réseau est organisé « en
étoile », où presque toutes les lignes passent par le centre-ville de
Vannes. L'autorité organisatrice de la mobilité, chargée du développement des transports
collectifs et de leur financement à Vannes
et son agglomération est la Communauté
d'agglomération de Vannes-Golfe du Morbihan. |
|
Vannes est
également desservie par 7 lignes d'autocar du réseau BreizhGo17, le service de transports collectifs interurbains
développé et financé par le conseil régional
de Bretagne. Vannes compte deux gares routières, l'une
située place de la Libération et l'autre à proximité de la gare ferroviaire. |
|
Urbanisme[modifier | modifier le code] |
|
|
Morphologie urbaine[modifier | modifier le code] |
|
|
Une
enquête, dont l'objet est le recensement du patrimoine architectural de
Vannes, est réalisée depuis 1997p 1. Cette enquête est le fruit d'un
partenariat entre l’État et la municipalité vannetaise et a permis le
recensement des quartiers de la ville. |
|
|
La notion de quartier prend plusieurs
significations à Vannes. Dans le langage courant, un quartier désigne un
espace urbain pourvu d'une identité commune sur le plan architectural, social
et fonctionnel. De plus, la mise en place des conseils
de quartier s'est basée sur un nouveau
découpage de l'espace territorial vannetais. |
|
Quartiers[modifier | modifier le code] |
|
|
·
Albert Ier |
|
|
·
Beaupré |
|
|
·
Bernus |
|
|
·
Cliscouët |
|
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·
Conleau |
|
|
·
Kercado |
|
|
·
La Gare |
|
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·
La Madeleine |
|
|
·
Saint-Patern |
|
|
·
Route de Nantes |
|
|
·
Le Rohan |
|
|
·
Le Trussac |
|
|
·
Les Casernes |
|
|
·
La Retraite |
|
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·
Le Pont Vert |
|
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·
Le Bel Air |
|
|
·
Tohannic |
|
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·
Le Jointo |
|
|
·
Le Mené |
|
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·
Le Pargo |
|
|
·
Le Port |
|
|
·
Jeanne d'Arc |
|
|
·
Ménimur |
|
|
·
Intra-muros |
|
|
·
Lalande |
|
|
·
Bécel |
|
|
Logement[modifier | modifier le code] |
|
|
|
|
|
Vue des toits de la vieille-ville de Vannes. |
|
|
|
La Place des Lices avant les travaux de suppression du
parking. |
|
|
En 2006, on dénombrait à Vannes
29 176 logements : 26 449 résidences
principales (soit 90,65 % de l'ensemble
des logements), 858 résidences secondaires (soit 2,94 %), 181 logements occasionnels
(soit 0,6 %) et 1 689 logements vacants (soit 5,79 %).
Sur l'ensemble de ces logements, on dénombre 9 566 logements
individuels soit 32,78 % et 19 424 logements dans un immeuble collectif soit
66,57 %i 4. |
|
Pour ce qui est
des résidences principales, leur époque d'achèvement s'établit de la manière
qui suit pour l'année 2004. Sur les 25 896 résidences, 4 229
datent d'avant 1949 soit une part de 16,33 % ; 8 392 datent
d'une période comprise entre 1949 à 1974 soit 32,40 % ;
5 840 résidences principales datent de 1975 à 1989 soit
22,55 % et 7 435 datent de 1990 à 2004 soit 28,71 %i 5. S'agissant du
nombre de pièces des
résidences principales en 2006, 3 006 en ont une soit 11,37 %,
5 020 en comptent deux soit 18,98 %, 5 280 en possèdent trois
soit 19,96 % et 13 144 en possèdent quatre et plus soit une part de
49,7 %i 4. Le confort de ces résidences principales n'est pas
identique. En effet, cent-quatorze résidences n'ont pas de baignoire, ni
douche soit 0,43 %i 6, 26 202 ont un chauffage central soit près de 99 %
des résidences, alors que 247 n'en ont pas soit 1 %i 7, 17 240
bénéficient d'un garage ou d'un parking soit 65,18 %i 8. |
|
En 2007, le prix
de l'immobilier à Vannes a dépassé celui de Rennes : le prix moyen au mètre carré de l'habitat ancien à
Vannes (2 342 €) est nettement supérieur à celui de Lorient (1 606 €).
Le prix moyen d'un appartement neuf à Vannes était d'environ
(3 500 €/m2). Le centre ville de Vannes est le quartier le plus cher,
quant aux quartiers situés près du Golfe, ils connaissent une augmentation
régulière du prix du logement18. |
|
Un quart des acquéreurs à Vannes sont des retraités
et la ville présente la particularité d'avoir des acquéreurs âgés,
49 ans en moyenne. On peut noter qu'en 2007, 32 % des acquéreurs
n'étaient pas originaire du Morbihan. Parmi les non morbihannais, 9 %
viennent d'Île-de-France et 6 % d'Ille-et-Vilaine. L'offre concerne pour
62 % des transactions des logements de 2 et 3 pièces. Les habitants
d'Île-de-France représentent 25 % des acheteurs sur le littoral
du Golfe du Morbihan. |
|
De nombreux
organismes d'attribution de logements sociaux sont présents sur la commune. On y trouve des offices
publics de l'habitat (OPH) tels qu'Office Public Communal d'HLM Vannes Golfe Habitat19 ou encore l'office public départemental du
Morbihan Bretagne Sud Habitat20. |
|
Projets d’aménagement[modifier | modifier le code] |
|
|
Cette section est vide,
insuffisamment détaillée ou incomplète. Votre aide est la bienvenue ! Comment
faire ? |
|
|
Rive gauche[modifier | modifier le code] |
|
|
Une concertation a été
initiée en 2017 en
vue de l'aménagement de la rive gauche du port21. Les décisions relatives à ce projet, initialement attendues
en 201922, ont été reportées sine die après les élections23. |
|
|
Toponymie[modifier | modifier le code] |
|
|
Le nom de Darioritum[modifier | modifier le code] |
|
|
|
|
|
Table de Peutinger - Darioritum se
situe au nord du Golfe d'Aquitaine, près de la Loire (Riger) et de Rennes (Condate). |
|
|
Dans l'Antiquité, le peuple gaulois des Vénètes s'installe sur la
rive sud de la péninsule Armoricaine. Jules César, dans ses Commentaires sur
la Guerre des Gaules, est le premier auteur à
citer le peuple celte mais ne cite aucune capitale pour les Vénètes.
Jusqu'au iie siècle, les auteurs romains
et grecs citent à de nombreuses reprises le peuple des Vénètes, mais il faut
attendre le iie siècle et la Géographie de Ptolémée pour mettre un nom
sur la capitale sud-armoricaine : Δαριοριτον (var. Δαριοριγον), nom gaulois grécisé signifiant peut-être « gué des
chênes »24. |
|
À l'époque gallo-romaine, ce nom est
adapté et latinisé sous
différentes formes : Darioritum (la forme la plus courante), Dariorigum, Dartorigum, etc. Darioritum se trouve
également sur la Table de Peutinger, copie du xiiie siècle d'une ancienne carte romaine où figurent les routes et
les villes principales de l'Empire romain. Il est cependant remplacé par l'ethnonyme Veneti à partir du iiie siècle25. |
|
Le nom de Vannes[modifier | modifier le code] |
|
|
Attestations anciennes26. |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
·
400 : Benedetis |
|
|
·
vie siècle : Veneticam
urbem, Venitus civitatem |
|
|
·
viie siècle : Venetis |
|
|
·
818 : Veneda |
|
|
·
833 : Vednedia |
|
|
·
850 : Venedi |
|
|
·
862 : Venedia |
|
|
·
1187 : Vanetensis |
|
|
·
1263 : Vennes |
|
|
·
1288 : Venes |
|
|
·
1300 : Vanes |
|
|
·
1311 : Vennes |
|
|
·
1332 : Vannes |
|
|
·
1333 : Venetensis
diocesis |
|
|
·
1334 : Vanne |
|
|
·
1339 : Vannes |
|
|
·
1428 : Vennes |
|
|
·
1560 : Vannes |
|
|
·
1561 : Vennes |
|
|
·
1592 : Vannetois |
|
|
·
1636 : Vennes |
|
|
·
1693 : Euesché
de Vennes |
|
|
·
1709 : Vennes |
|
|
·
1719 : Vennes |
|
|
Vannes apparaît sous le
nom latin de Benetis dans
le document administratif romain Notitia
dignitatum datant de 40027. |
|
|
Le nom de Vannes
provient du peuple des Vénètes qui eurent comme capitale Darioritum, nom antique de la
ville pendant la période gallo-romaine. Le nom de Vénètes est commun à plusieurs peuples antiques dont l’un
habitait le sud de l’Aremorica (celtique Veneti). |
|
Sous le Bas
Empire, lorsque les diocèses ont succédé aux circonscriptions romaines calquées sur
les cités gauloises, les chefs lieu ont pris le nom des peuples gaulois au
génitif. César mentionne que le peuple gaulois établi dans le golfe du
Morbihan était celui des Vénètes et l'évêché de Vannes est un des plus anciens
d'Armorique. C'est pourquoi les linguistes font procéder Vannes du celtique
armoricain Venetīi « cité des Vénètes ». |
|
À la fin de l’Empire romain, la ville est
couramment appelée civitas Venetum dans les textes, « la cité des Vénètes »,
d'après le nom du peuple dont sont issus ses premiers habitants. Ce phénomène
(l'abandon de l'ancien nom gaulois et l'adoption d'une nouvelle appellation
évoquant le nom des habitants) affecte vers le ive siècle la plupart des
anciennes cités gauloises de la moitié nord de la France : ainsi, Paris, ancien Lutetia, vient du nom des Parisii ; Nantes, ancien Condevincum , de celui
des Namnètes.
Ces mutations toponymiques sont caractéristiques du Bas-Empire romain. |
|
|
|
|
Feuillet du Notitia
dignitatum - Dux tractus Armoricani et Nervicani. |
|
|
Dans le Notitia Galliarum, compilation
du ive siècle des cités
gauloises sous la Tétrarchie, l'auteur nomme la Cité des Vénètes située dans la gaule lyonnaise III : In provintiis gallicanis quæ ciuitates sint, Provintia
Luddunensium Tertia : Ciuitas Venetum. Dans
le Notitia dignitatum, compilation par un auteur anonyme du ve siècle de toutes les
dignités tant civiles que militaires de l'Empire
romain, l'auteur nomme Benetis comme capitale du
préfet militaire : Sous les ordres de
l’honorable duc de la division Armoricani et
Nervicani : - Le commandant des
soldats maures chez
les Vénètes, à Benetis. |
|
Au cours du Moyen Âge, Venetis devient Vennes, par accentuation sur la
première syllabe qui entraîne la disparition du [t]28. Cette forme va subsister jusqu'au xviiie siècle, où les deux formes
sont utilisées conjointement dans les écrits de l'époqueNote 2. Durant cette
période, le nom de la ville est également mentionné sous différentes
formes : Veneda (en 818), Guéned ou Guenette, Vanes (vers 1300), etc. |
|
Le nom de la ville
est Gwened (en breton), prononcé [dzɥinˈjɛt] en breton vannetais ou [gɥinˈjɛt]) et Vann (en gallo). Il est mentionné sous la
forme guenet dans
le Catholicon29. |
|
|
Ce nom se
prononce Djuened en
breton et s'écrit Gwened ou Wened. Certains ont été tentés de traduire, de façon strictement
littéraire, le nom breton de la ville en français, et l'on interprété comme signifiant « blé blanc »30 (gwenn « blanc »; ed « blé »).
En 2008, dans un
communiqué du maire François Goulards 1, s'exprimant sur la
culture bretonne, on retrouve aussi cette tentative d'y voir le mot
breton gwenn, et
de donner à Gwened la
signification de « La Blanche ». Cette étymologie populaire est
fantaisiste31. |
|
La forme Gwened en breton peut
s'expliquer en partie par le débarquement de populations galloises venues de
la région de Gwynedd entre le ive siècle et le vie siècle. La correspondance phonétique entre le peuple celtique Vénète
et les bretons du Gwynedd laisse penser à une origine ethnique commune dont
les deux branches auraient conservé des liens commerciaux et diplomatiques
durant l'âge d'or du commerce de l'étain. Cette origine ethnique commune
aurait en commun la racine celtique vindo- qui a les sens de « blanc, beau, blond, sacré, de
bonne race »32. Cependant, Venet- a été brittonisé tout à fait régulièrement en Gwened (par l'intermédiaire
d'une forme vieux breton Wened), sans avoir recours à une hypothétique influence galloise,
dont le résultat aurait d'ailleurs été *Gwined. Par ailleurs, vindo- est la racine gauloise qui signifie « blanc,
heureux », c'est le même mot que le celtique
insulaire *vindā qui explique le vieux breton guinn « blanc,
lumineux » (néobreton gwenn), le vieux cornique guyn « blanc » et le gallois gwynn (féminin gwenn) « blanc ». |
|
Une hypothèse
mieux étayée sur le plan phonétique pour expliquer étymologiquement l'ethnonyme Veneti, dont dérive le nom de la
ville, est qu'il repose sur la racine indo-européenne *wen « aimer,
désirer » (sanskrit van-o-ti, vánati « il aime », van-a « charme »; latin ven-us et Venus, etc.), et signifier
« les amis, les compatriotes »33. Plus précisément, il s'agit de la forme allongée celtique et
indo-européenne occidentale veni- (autrement écrite ueni-) qui désigne le « clan, famille, lignée » (cf.
vieux breton guen « race,
famille » > breton gouenn « race »; germanique commun *weniz « ami » >
vieux norrois vinr,
islandais vinur,
norvégien venn),
mais dont la suffixation en -et- implique le sens dérivé de « apparentés,
amicaux » ou « marchands ». Dans cette hypothèse les Vénètes
pourraient aussi être « les parents » ou « les
marchands »34. |
|
Vannes est la forme en usage dans la majorité des langues
utilisant les caractères latins, sauf dans les langues celtiques comme
le gallois ou
le gaélique qui
privilégient la forme bretonne Gwened. |
|
|
Histoire[modifier | modifier le code] |
|
|
|
Bataille du Morbihan. |
|
|
|
Prise de Vannes en 1342. |
|
|
Articles détaillés : Histoire
de Vannes et Chronologie
de Vannes. |
|
|
La ville de Vannes
est fondée lors de la Conquête romaine de la Gaule. Le peuple des Vénètes est soumis par César en 56 av. J.-C.. Sous l’Empire romain, elle est appelée Darioritum, mais reprend le nom du peuple dont elle est la civitas à la fin de l’Empire.
Des colons bretons (venus
de l’actuelle Grande-Bretagne) ainsi que des soldats maures sont installés à cette
époque pour protéger la région des pirates saxons. C’est aussi entre le iiie siècle et le ve siècle que la ville se fortifie et se christianise. |
|
Vers 465, un concile régional se tient
à Vannes et consacre Saint Patern comme le premier évêque
de la ville : c'est la naissance de l'évêché de Vannes. Conquise
en 578 par Waroch, la ville devient la
capitale du royaume du Broërec, avant d’être rattachée à la Bretagne en 851. |
|
En 753, le roi des Francs Pépin le Bref vainc les
Bretons et prend Vannes. Pour contenir les Bretons, il organise une
zone-tampon sous administration militaire, la Marche
de Bretagne composée du Vannetais, du Nantais, du Rennais et d'un bout du Maine. Vannes en est une des
capitales. L'empereur Louis le Débonnaire réunit en septembre 818 son armée est assemblée à Vannes35 (alors souvent
appelée Veneda ou Venedia) avant de la lancer à
l'assaut des forces du roi Morvan Lez-Breizh qui l'avait défié. |
|
Ville du
missus Nominoë, Vannes
est une des cités royales de l'éphémère royaume
de Bretagne. En partie détruite lors des invasions vikings au xe siècle, la ville connaît de
nombreux sièges jusqu'à la fin de la guerre
de Succession de Bretagne avant de devenir
la résidence préférée des ducs Jean IV et Jean V. |
|
La Chambre des comptes de Bretagne est
créée à Vannes et y siège jusqu'en 1491-1499 ainsi
que le parlement de Bretagne qui devient cour souveraine en 1485. Le Parlement reste à Vannes
jusqu'en 1553,
date à laquelle Nantes et Rennes se le disputent. Vannes est la première capitale de
l'État breton et le siège de son administration supérieure. La ville reste
pourtant de taille modeste. |
|
Lors de la Révolution française, la ville est
partagée entre le parti de la Convention (les Républicains) et la Chouannerie. |
|
|
Préfecture
du Morbihan, Vannes
continue son développement depuis le xixe siècle malgré l’activité maritime qui s’effondre à la même
époque. À partir des années 1870, la ville se dote de nouveaux bâtiments publics et connaît un
regain d’activité avec l'arrivée du chemin de fer et l’installation de
régiments. |
|
Vannes était alors une
ville de garnison (le 116e régiment d'infanterie, le 28e régiment
d'artillerie et le 35e régiment d'artillerie y
étaient basés). |
|
|
Politique et
administration[modifier | modifier le code] |
|
|
|
|
|
Hôtel de Ville de Vannes. |
|
|
L'agglomération de
Vannes s'est organisée en une communauté
d'agglomération qui regroupe
vingt-quatre communes que sont Arradon, Baden, Le Bono, Elven, Le Hézo, Île-aux-Moines, Île d'Arz, Larmor-Baden, Meucon, Monterblanc, Noyalo, Plescop, Ploeren, Plougoumelen, Saint-Avé, Saint-Nolff, Séné, Sulniac, Surzur, Theix, Trédion, Treffléan, La Trinité-Surzur et Vannes. De plus, du fait de son statut de chef-lieu
de département et de canton, Vannes concentre les administrations. Elle est
le siège de la préfecture du Morbihan, du Conseil général du
Morbihan et de la trésorerie générale. |
|
Découpage administratif[modifier | modifier le code] |
|
|
De 1790 à 1982, Vannes est le chef-lieu
du canton de Vannes-Est et, depuis 1982, chef-lieu de trois cantons. |
|
|
Code |
Canton |
Conseillers
départementaux |
Population
(2017) |
|
|
56 19 |
Vannes-1 |
Les Républicains |
François Goulard |
UD |
Christine
Penhouet |
32 205 habitants |
|
|
56 20 |
Vannes-2 |
UD |
Denis Bertholom |
UD |
Nadine Frémont |
39 286 habitants |
|
|
56 21 |
Vannes-3 |
UDI |
Gilles Dufeigneux |
UD |
Gaëlle Favennec |
33 861 habitants |
|
|
Le nouveau découpage territorial entre
en vigueur en 2015.
Vannes reste le bureau centralisateur de 3 cantons redécoupés : |
|
|
·
le canton de Vannes-1 correspond au centre de la ville et compte
32 205 habitants en 2017 ; |
|
|
·
le canton de
Vannes-2 compte 9 communes (Arradon, Baden, Le Bono, l'Île-aux-Moines, l'Île-d'Arz, Larmor-Baden, Plescop, Ploeren et Plougoumelen) ainsi que la
fraction ouest de la commune de Vannes et compte 39 286 habitants
en 2017 ; |
|
|
·
le canton de
Vannes-3 compte 5 communes (Meucon, Monterblanc, Saint-Avé, Saint-Nolff et Treffléan) ainsi que la fraction
est de la commune de Vannes et compte 33 861 habitants en 2017. |
|
|
Tendances politiques et
résultats[modifier | modifier le code] |
|
|
Article
connexe : Élections municipales de 2014 dans le Morbihan. |
|
|
On retient de
Vannes sa qualité de ville bourgeoise, à l'opposé de sa voisine lorientaise plus ouvrière et
positionnée à gauche de l'échiquier politique. La présence des ducs et des évêques a favorisé
l'apparition des marchands et des artisans. C'est une ville de négoce et de
marchés36. |
|
Politiquement,
c'est une ville ancrée à droite. Le maire UMP David Robo est élu maire de la ville le 6 avril 2011 à la suite de
l'accession de François Goulard à la tête du Conseil général du Morbihan. L'ancien
député maire UMP François Goulard fut, au
début de son premier mandat de maire de la ville en 2001, membre du RPR et à la tête d'une
liste UDF-RPR. Cette liste, composée lors
des municipales 2001, s'inscrivait dans la continuité des mandats précédents,
une grande partie des conseillers de cette liste appartenant à la majorité
municipale de Pierre Pavec, maire centriste de Vannes de 1983 à 200137. |
|
Au référendum sur le traité constitutionnel pour l’Europe du 29 mai 2005, les Vannetais ont majoritairement voté pour la Constitution
européenne, avec 62,73 % de Oui contre 37,27 % de Non avec un taux
d’abstention de 27,22 % (France entière : Non à 54,67 % - Oui
à 45,33 %). Ces chiffres ne sont pas conformes à la tendance nationale,
celle-ci se trouvant en opposition. |
|
Malgré l'ancrage
de la ville à droite, lors de l’élections législatives
de 2012 pour la 1re circonscription du Mobihan,
le député UMP François
Goulard (48,96 % soit 10 438 voix) est battu au second tour
par le socialiste Hervé Pellois38 (51,04 %
soit 10 882 voix). Ce résultat étant conforme à la tendance
nationale. |
|
[afficher] |
|
Résultats des dernières élections présidentielles |
|
|
|
|
Administration municipale[modifier | modifier le code] |
|
|
Articles
détaillés : Élections municipales de 2008 à
Vannes, Liste
des maires de Vannes et Élections municipales de 2014 dans le Morbihan. |
|
|
Liste des maires de Vannes
depuis la Libération |
|
|
Période |
Identité |
Étiquette |
Qualité |
|
|
mai-45 |
mars-65 |
Francis Decker |
MRP |
Photographe |
|
|
Conseiller
général du canton
de Vannes-Est (1951-1970) |
|
|
mars-65 |
mars-77 |
Raymond Marcellin |
RI |
Avocat
et plusieurs fois ministre |
|
|
Sénateur du Morbihan (1974-1981) |
|
|
Conseiller
général du canton
de Sarzeau (1953-1998) |
|
|
Président
du conseil général du Morbihan (1964-1998) |
|
|
mars-77 |
mars-83 |
Paul Chapel |
UDF-PR |
Professeur
de lettres classiques |
|
|
Député de la 1re circonscription
du Morbihan (1978-1981) |
|
|
Conseiller général du canton de
Vannes-Ouest (1974-1979) |
|
|
mars-83 |
mars-01 |
Pierre
Pavec |
UDF-PR |
Conseiller
général du canton
de Vannes-Ouest (1985-1998) |
|
|
mars-01 |
mai-04 |
François Goulard |
DL (2001)45 |
Haut fonctionnaire |
|
|
UMP |
Député de la 1re circonscription
du Morbihan (1997-2004) |
|
|
mai-04 |
déc-06 |
Norbert Trochet |
UMP |
Cadre
de l'industrie pharmaceutique |
|
|
déc-06 |
avr-11 |
François Goulard |
UMP |
Haut fonctionnaire |
|
|
Député de la 1re circonscription
du Morbihan (2007-2012) |
|
|
avr-11 |
En cours |
David Robo |
UMP-LR (2011-2017)47 |
Assistant
social |
|
|
Réélu
en 2014 et 202046 |
DVD |
Conseiller
régional de Bretagne (depuis 2015) |
|
|
Depuis le 6
avril 2011, le maire
est David Robo qui
succède à François Goulard, président du conseil
général du Morbihan, député et ancien secrétaire d'État aux
Transports et à la mer et ministre de
l'Enseignement supérieur et de la recherche. Le
maire de Vannes est adhérent de la Fédération
des maires des villes moyennes, la FMVM48. Les services
administratifs sont installés dans les locaux de l'hôtel de ville
depuis 1886 et
également dans les locaux du centre administratif municipal, situé à deux pas
de celui-ci. |
|
Le conseil municipal vannetais
est composé d'un maire et de quarante-cinq conseillers municipaux. Parmi ces
conseillers municipaux, on dénombre treize maires-adjointss 2. Il y a un seul
groupe majoritaire contre deux groupes d'opposition « Votez pour
Changer » (PS, Union démocratique bretonne, Verts, Parti radical de gauche) et
« Vannes Projet Citoyens »49 (DVG) nés de la scission de la coalition « Votez pour
Changer » créée lors du second tour des élections
municipales de mars 2008. |
|
Lors des élections municipales de mars
2008, la liste du maire sortant, François Goulard, tête de la liste
« Vannes avec vous », a été élu avec une majorité absolue de
51,59 % soit 10 950 voix contre 48,41 % soit
10 275 voix pour Nicolas le Quintrec, tête de la liste « Votez
pour changer - Vannes 2008, agir et vivre ensemble »50. |
|
Les élections municipales de 2014 à
Vannes ont été marquées par un nombre important de listes (7), ce qui
constitue par ailleurs le nombre le plus important de candidats recensés pour
briguer la mairie. Malgré cela la liste « Vannes, c'est ensemble »,
menée par le maire sortant David Robo, a été élue dès le
premier tour avec 52.77 % des suffrages exprimés. C'est la première fois
depuis les années Raymond Marcellin qu'une élection municipale est remportée en un seul
tour. Les sièges au sein du conseil municipal, élu le 23 mars 2014, se
répartissent de la manière suivantes 2 : |
|
|
|
Groupe |
Nom |
Président |
Effectif |
Statut |
|
|
|
|
|
UMP-UDI-MODEM |
Vannes, c'est ensemble |
David Robo |
37 |
Majorité |
|
|
|
|
|
CAP21-EELV-PRG-PS-UDB-VPC |
L’alternance |
Simon Uzenat |
5 |
Opposition |
|
|
|
|
|
FN |
Vannes Bleu Marine |
Bertrand Iragne |
2 |
Opposition |
|
|
|
|
|
DVG |
Vannes au centre |
Nicolas Le Quintrec |
1 |
Opposition |
|
|
|
Aux élections
municipales tenues le 15 mars 2020, la liste conduite par David Robo obtient
dès le premier tour la majorité des voix (50,92 %) mais dans un contexte
de très faible participation (39.54 %). La pandémie du Covid 19 empêche
l'installation immédiate du nouveau conseil municipal51. Il faudra attendre le 25 mai pour que la nouvelle équipe
soit installée et que David Robo soit élu maire52. Les résultats en nombre de sièges sont53 : |
|
|
|
Groupe |
Nom |
Président |
Effectif |
Statut |
|
|
|
|
|
DVD |
Vannes, c'est vous |
David Robo |
35 |
Majorité |
|
|
|
|
|
DVG-DVG |
Ensemble, libérons les
énergies Vannetaises ! |
Simon Uzenat |
5 |
Opposition |
|
|
|
|
|
En marche |
Marchons pour Vannes |
Patrick le Mestre |
4 |
Opposition |
|
|
|
|
|
DVG |
Vannes Projet Citoyen |
François Riou |
1 |
Opposition |
|
|
|
Instances judiciaires et
administratives[modifier | modifier le code] |
|
|
|
|
|
Palais de justice. |
|
|
Vannes compte de
nombreuses institutions administratives et judiciaires. La ville est administrativement la préfecture du Morbihan54, siège du Conseil général du Morbihan55 et de la trésorerie générale. Elle possède un palais de justice disposant
d'un tribunal de grande instance, d'un tribunal d'instance, d'un tribunal de commerce, d'un conseil de prud'hommes. On y trouve aussi un ordre des avocats au barreau de Vannes56. En tant que
chef-lieu départemental, la commune abrite la chambre des huissiers du Morbihan, la
chambre des notaires du Morbihan57, la chambre de métiers et de
l'artisanat du Morbihan58 ainsi qu'une
délégation de la chambre de commerce et
d'industrie du Morbihan59. La ville dispose d'un commissariat de police, d'une maison d'arrêt et est le
siège du groupement de gendarmerie départementale du Morbihan. On se doit également de
signaler la présence d'administrations telles que la conservation des hypothèques et le centre
des impôts60. |
|
Défense[modifier | modifier le code] |
|
|
Articles détaillés : 3e
régiment d'infanterie de marine et Histoire militaire de Vannes. |
|
|
Depuis 1963, Vannes est la ville de
garnison du 3e RIMa ainsi que d'un
détachement du 2e régiment du matériel de Bruz. |
|
|
Le 1er janvier 2011, à la suite de la création de la base de défense pilote de
Coëtquidan le 1er janvier 2010, est créé la base de défense de Vannes-Coëtquidan, intégrant
le 3e RIMa ainsi que
les Écoles de Saint-Cyr Coëtquidan. Une base de Défense est une aire géographique qui regroupe dans son
périmètre les formations du ministère de la
Défense dont l'administration générale et le
soutien commun sont mutualisés. |
|
Sécurité[modifier | modifier le code] |
|
|
Vannes rencontre
les difficultés inhérentes aux villes qui supportent une croissance
rapide : congestion des routes, trafics et délinquances. Selon des
classements successifs établis par le magazine Le
Point, Vannes est classée 11e ville la plus
sûre de France en 200361, 15e en 200662 et 23e pour l'année 200863. |
|
Services départementaux[modifier | modifier le code] |
|
|
La ville est le
siège de l'état-major du Groupement de gendarmerie départementale du Morbihan64, de la compagnie de gendarmerie départementale de Vannes qui
couvre le sud-est du département et de l'escadron de gendarmerie mobile de
Vannes qui a pour mission principale et spécifique la sécurité publique et le
maintien de l'ordre. |
|
Vannes est le
siège de la Direction départementale de la Sécurité
publique du Morbihan. La circonscription de sécurité publique de
Vannes compte 136 fonctionnaires de police et 32 adjoints de
sécurité soit un total de
168 personnels en janvier 200965, ainsi que trois structures recevant du public : l'hôtel
de Police et ses deux commissariats de secteur (Kercado et Ménimur). Le Service départemental
d'incendie et de secours (SDIS) du Morbihan
siège également à Vannes. Le groupement de Vannes couvre l'ouest du
département avec 26 centres d'incendie et de secours,
86 sapeurs-pompiers professionnels et 917 sapeurs-pompiers
volontaires66. |
|
Vidéo surveillance[modifier | modifier le code] |
|
|
Depuis avril 2008,
la municipalité vannetaise a mis en place, pour un coût de plus de
1 000 000 €67 un dispositif de vidéosurveillance de la voie publique. Composé de 29 caméras mobiles68 et d'un centre de supervision urbaine (CSU) aménagé au
sous-sol de l’hôtel de ville qui reçoit et enregistre en permanence les
images filmées par les caméras, le système est contrôlé par des agents
municipaux en journée et par les services de police la nuit. Les trois
objectifs majeurs de ce dispositif sont : le renforcement des mesures de
prévention contre les actes de violence urbaine, la protection des bâtiments
publics et la régulation du trafic routiers
3. Ce système est contrôlé par un comité d'éthique composé d'avocats, de spécialistes du droit et d'élus. Ce comité
rend un rapport annuel69. |
|
Jumelages et partenariats[modifier | modifier le code] |
|
|
|
|
|
Stèle du jumelage à Cuxhaven. |
|
|
La ville de Vannes
est jumelée avec plusieurs villes européennes et entretient des relations de
partenariat avec une ville malienne et une ville polonaise. Il faut rappeler que le jumelage est une relation établie
entre deux villes de pays différents qui se concrétise par des échanges
socio-culturelss 4. |
|
La ville de Vannes
est jumelée avec : |
|
|
· |
|
|
Mons (Belgique) depuis 1952 ; |
|
|
· |
|
|
Cuxhaven (Allemagne) depuis 1963 ; |
|
|
· |
|
|
Fareham (Angleterre) depuis 1967. |
|
|
Charte de partenariat : |
|
|
· |
|
|
Barouéli (Mali) ; |
|
|
· |
|
|
Wałbrzych (Pologne) depuis le 2 octobre 2001. |
|
|
Population et société[modifier | modifier le code] |
|
|
Démographie[modifier | modifier le code] |
|
|
Au 1er janvier 2016, Vannes possède une population de 53 218 habitantsi 2, une unité urbaine de
79 217 habitantsi 9, une agglomération de 166 661 habitantsi 10 ainsi qu'une
population dans l'aire urbaine de 157 077 habitantsi
1. Il est à noter que la ville est la
deuxième plus peuplée du département après Lorient et la 5e de la région Bretagne (sur 1 232)i 11. |
|
Évolution démographique[modifier | modifier le code] |
|
|
L'évolution du
nombre d'habitants est connue à travers les recensements
de la population effectués dans la commune
depuis 1793. À partir de 2006, les populations
légales des communes sont publiées
annuellement par l'Insee. Le recensement repose désormais sur une collecte
d'information annuelle, concernant successivement tous les territoires
communaux au cours d'une période de cinq ans. Pour les communes de plus de
10 000 habitants les recensements ont lieu chaque année à la suite
d'une enquête par sondage auprès d'un échantillon d'adresses représentant
8 % de leurs logements, contrairement aux autres communes qui ont un
recensement réel tous les cinq ans70,Note 3 |
|
En 2018, la commune
comptait 53 438 habitantsNote 4, en augmentation de 0,77 % par rapport à 2013 (Morbihan :
+2,52 %, France hors Mayotte : +2,36 %). |
|
|
Évolution
de la population [ modifier ] |
|
|
|
1793 |
1800 |
1806 |
1821 |
1831 |
1836 |
1841 |
1846 |
1851 |
|
|
9 131 |
9 131 |
10 902 |
11 289 |
10 395 |
11 623 |
11 737 |
12 974 |
12 356 |
|
|
|
|
|
Évolution
de la population [ modifier ], suite (1) |
|
|
|
1856 |
1861 |
1866 |
1872 |
1876 |
1881 |
1886 |
1891 |
1896 |
|
|
14 329 |
14 564 |
14 560 |
14 690 |
17 946 |
19 284 |
20 036 |
21 504 |
22 189 |
|
|
|
|
|
Évolution
de la population [ modifier ], suite (2) |
|
|
|
1901 |
1906 |
1911 |
1921 |
1926 |
1931 |
1936 |
1946 |
1954 |
|
|
23 375 |
23 561 |
23 748 |
21 402 |
22 089 |
22 413 |
24 068 |
28 189 |
28 403 |
|
|
|
|
|
Évolution
de la population [ modifier ], suite (3) |
|
|
|
1962 |
1968 |
1975 |
1982 |
1990 |
1999 |
2006 |
2011 |
2016 |
|
|
30 411 |
36 576 |
40 359 |
42 178 |
45 644 |
51 759 |
53 079 |
52 784 |
53 218 |
|
|
|
|
|
Évolution
de la population [ modifier ], suite (4) |
|
|
|
2018 |
- |
- |
- |
- |
- |
- |
- |
- |
|
|
53 438 |
- |
- |
- |
- |
- |
- |
- |
- |
|
|
De 1962 à
1999 : population sans doubles comptes ; pour les dates suivantes : population municipale. |
|
(Sources :
Ldh/EHESS/Cassini jusqu'en
199971 puis Insee à partir de 200672.) |
|
Histogramme de
l'évolution démographique |
|
|
|
|
Pyramide des âges[modifier | modifier le code] |
|
|
La pyramide des âges montre une
population vieillissante. En 2016, la part des plus de soixante cinq ans représentait
24,42 % de la population totale contre 19,07 % en 2006, tandis que celle des moins
de quarante ans atteignait 45,45 % en 2016 et 51,54 % en 2006. |
|
Évolution de la
pyramide des âges de la ville de Vannes |
|
Comparaison entre
les années 2006i
12 et 2016i 13 en nombre
d'individus. |
|
Pyramide des âges en 2006 en nombre d'individus. |
|
|
Hommes |
Classe d’âge |
Femmes |
|
|
839 |
0 à 3 ans |
785 |
|
|
721 |
3 à 5 ans |
762 |
|
|
1 392 |
6 à 10 ans |
1 201 |
|
|
2 047 |
11 à 17 ans |
1 983 |
|
|
3 952 |
18 à 24 ans |
3 549 |
|
|
5 160 |
25 à 39 ans |
4 966 |
|
|
4 437 |
40 à 54 ans |
5 446 |
|
|
2 542 |
55 à 64 ans |
3 171 |
|
|
2 868 |
65 à 79 ans |
4 289 |
|
|
917 |
80 ans ou plus |
2 051 |
|
|
Pyramide des âges en 2016 en nombre d'individus. |
|
|
Hommes |
Classe d’âge |
Femmes |
|
|
707 |
0 à 3 ans |
719 |
|
|
756 |
3 à 5 ans |
722 |
|
|
1 267 |
6 à 10 ans |
1 172 |
|
|
2 113 |
11 à 17 ans |
1 895 |
|
|
3 232 |
18 à 24 ans |
2 944 |
|
|
4 395 |
25 à 39 ans |
4 268 |
|
|
4 149 |
40 à 54 ans |
4 999 |
|
|
2 924 |
55 à 64 ans |
3 963 |
|
|
3 537 |
65 à 79 ans |
5 137 |
|
|
1 372 |
80 ans ou plus |
2 948 |
|
|
Population immigrée[modifier | modifier le code] |
|
|
En 2006, 1 389 personnes
immigrées étaient recensées dans la commune soit 2,6 % de la populationi 14, chiffre supérieur
à la moyenne bretonne (1,69 %) mais inférieur à la moyenne nationale
(5,77 %). Cette proportion est deux fois moins importante que pour une
ville comme Rennes mais
légèrement supérieure à Quimper. Parmi ces personnes, 15,33 % viennent de l'Union européenne, 14,6 %
du Maghreb. Les
nationalités les plus représentées sont les turcs (524), puis les algériens et enfin les marocainsi 15 |
|
La communauté
turque est particulièrement présente dans la vie associative de Vannes.
L'association culturelle des Turcs de l’ouest créée à Vannes en 1983 a pour
but de faire connaître et de transmettre la culture, la religion, les
traditions, les coutumes turques, de créer des liens entre les communautés et
de favoriser l’échange culturel, d'apporter une aide aux familles d’origine
turque dans leurs démarches administratives, de donner une éducation
religieuse par l’intermédiaire d’un imam envoyé par le ministère des affaires religieuses turc et
de donner des informations sur la population turque de Vannes et son pays73. |
|
Enseignement[modifier | modifier le code] |
|
|
Les écoles et lycées vannetais
dépendent de l'académie de Rennes. |
|
|
Enseignement primaire[modifier | modifier le code] |
|
|
On dénombre à Vannes,
pour la rentrée 2008s
5, 32 écoles (primaires et
maternelle), dont vingt-deux écoles gérées par la commune (sept écoles maternelles, six écoles primaires, huit écoles élémentaires) et onze
écoles privées. |
|
|
Écoles de Vannes |
|
|
Écoles primaires |
Écoles maternelles |
Écoles élémentaires |
Écoles privées |
|
|
·
École Jacques Prévert |
·
École Anne de Bretagne |
·
École La Madeleine |
·
École Nicolazic |
|
|
·
École La Rabine |
·
École Armorique |
·
École de Cliscouët |
·
École Pierre-René Rogue |
|
|
·
Groupe scolaire Beaupré Lalande |
·
École Brizeux |
·
École Calmette |
·
École Saint-Patern |
|
|
·
Groupe scolaire de Tohannic |
·
École Cliscouët |
·
École Armorique |
·
École St Vincent Ferrier |
|
|
·
École de Rohan |
·
École Joliot Curie |
·
École Brizeux |
·
École Françoise d'Amboise |
|
|
·
Groupe scolaire de Kerniol |
·
École Calmette |
·
École Jules Ferry |
·
École Diwan |
|
|
|
·
École Pape Carpantier |
·
École Jean Moulin |
·
École Sainte-Marie |
|
|
|
|
·
École Madame de Sévigné |
·
École Sainte-Bernadette |
|
|
|
|
|
·
École Saint-Guen |
|
|
|
|
|
·
École du Sacré-Cœur |
|
|
|
|
|
·
École Sainte Jéhanne d'Arc |
|
|
Enseignement secondaire[modifier | modifier le code] |
|
|
Vannes compte sept collèges et huit lycées dont trois lycées publics et cinq lycées privés. |
|
|
Collèges et lycées de Vannes |
|
|
Collèges publics |
Lycées publics d'enseignement général ou/et technologique |
|
|
·
Collège Jules Simon |
·
Lycée Alain-René-Lesage |
|
|
·
Collège Antoine de Saint-Exupéry |
·
Lycée Charles-de-Gaulle |
|
|
·
Collège Diwan |
Lycées privés d'enseignement
général ou/et technologique |
|
|
Collèges privés |
· Lycée
privé Saint-Paul |
|
|
·
Collège Notre-Dame Le Ménimur |
·
Lycée privé Saint-Georges |
|
|
·
Collège Sacré-Cœur |
·
Collège-Lycée-Prépa Saint-François-Xavier de Vannes |
|
|
·
Collège Saint-François Xavier |
·
Lycée privé Saint-Joseph |
|
|
|
·
Lycée privé Notre-Dame-Le Ménimur |
|
|
|
Lycées professionnels publics |
|
|
|
·
Lycée Jean-Guéhenno |
|
|
Enseignement supérieur[modifier | modifier le code] |
|
|
Vannes représente
le troisième pôle universitaire de Bretagne, après Rennes et Brest. Alors qu'en 1986, Vannes accueillait 1 500 étudiants, en 2000, ils étaient plus de
5 200 et fin 2006, près de 6 500s 6. Outre les établissements et enseignements décrits
ci-dessous, il ne faut pas oublier les multiples Brevets de Techniciens Supérieurs dispensés
dans les lycées vannetais. |
|
Composantes de l'Université de Bretagne Sud |
|
|
|
|
|
L’ESPE de Vannes,
école interne de l’université de Bretagne-Occidentale avec laquelle
travaille l’université pour la formation des enseignants du secondaire. |
|
|
L'université
de Bretagne-Sud, créée en février 1995, est implantée conjointement
à Vannes, Lorient et Pontivy. L'université dispense de
nombreux DUT, licences et maîtrises ainsi qu'une école
d'ingénieur. |
|
|
·
La faculté de Droit, de sciences économiques et
de gestion, située sur le campus de Tohannic. |
|
|
·
La faculté des Sciences et Sciences de
l'Ingénieur située conjointement sur le campus de Tohannic à Vannes et sur le
campus de Saint-Maudé à Lorient. |
|
|
· L’Institut universitaire de
technologie de Vannes, situé sur le campus
de Kercado et
qui propose des formations professionnalisantes au niveau bac + 2 et bac + 3,
dans les domaines de la gestion, du commerce, de l'informatique, de la
statistique et de l'informatique décisionnelle. |
|
·
L'École nationale
supérieure d'ingénieurs de Bretagne Sud, école d'ingénieurs spécialisée
en informatique est située sur le campus de Tohannic. |
|
|
On peut également remarquer la présence d’établissements
de recherche regroupant différents laboratoires tels que l’Institut de
recherche sur les entreprises et les administrations, le centre de
recherche Yves Coppens (situé sur le campus de Tohannic), le
Laboratoire de Mathématiques et Applications des Mathématiques ainsi que le
Laboratoire de Recherche en Informatique - Valoria. |
|
Enseignement privé |
|
|
L'Université Catholique de l'Ouest Bretagne Sud, située sur le territoire de la commune d'Arradon à l'ouest de la
ville, propose des formations universitaires dans les domaines de
l'information et de la communication, des sciences de l'éducation, des
langues, de l'histoire, des lettres, du tourisme, du commerce, du breton et de la théologie. |
|
Classes préparatoires aux grandes écoles |
|
|
·
Les classes
préparatoires scientifiques du lycée Alain-René-Lesage (PTSI, PT, MPSI, MP) |
|
|
·
Les classes
préparatoires littéraires (hypokhâgne et khâgne
B-L) du lycée
Saint-François-Xavier. |
|
|
École d'ingénieurs |
|
|
·
L’ICAM Bretagne Groupe ICAM, école d'ingénieurs généralistes par la voie
de l'alternance. |
|
|
École de commerce |
|
|
·
Antenne de l'École supérieure de commerce de Bretagne. Les formations
dispensées sont le programme ESC Cadre, programme en formation continue et le
Bachelor en Management Programme Administration des Entreprises, cursus post
bac en management. |
|
|
École supérieure du professorat et de l'éducation |
|
|
·
L'École supérieure
du professorat et de l'éducation de Vannes,
composante de l'Université de
Bretagne-Occidentale, est chargé de la formation
des enseignants du premier et du second degrés. |
|
|
École supérieure en architecture intérieure |
|
|
·
L'institut de formation artistique et technique de Vannes (IFAT) prépare à
l'obtention du Diplôme d'études supérieures techniques pour le
métier d'architecte d'intérieur et propose une année d'étude en classe
préparatoire pour les concours des écoles d'art supérieures. |
|
|
Manifestations culturelles et
festivités[modifier | modifier le code] |
|
|
|
|
|
Le jardin des remparts pendant l'exposition Photo de mer. |
|
|
La cité des Vénètes se base sur
une histoire vieille de plus de 2 000 ans afin de faire vivre des
événements culturels tout au long de l'année. Parmi ceux-ci, on peut trouver
des événements consacrés à l'histoire de la ville et à son patrimoine ainsi
que des festivals musicaux et des salons. |
|
· L’Éveil du
boucan74 |
|
|
Festival
de musique fondé en 2002 sous le nom de Festi’ Vannes et rebaptisé
L’Éveil du boucan en 2014. Ce festival de musique se déroule dans les bars du
centre-ville de Vannes au mois d'avril, il est ouvert à tous les styles de
musiques. |
|
|
· Tradi'
deiz75 |
|
|
En avril,
Kendalc'h organise à Vannes une journée spéciale pour les cercles celtiques
de toute la Bretagne, de la Loire-Atlantique et de l'Île-de-France, qui sont
évalués dans des épreuves de danses traditionnelles ; un grand défilé se
tient en fin de journée et tous se rejoignent au jardin des remparts pour les
résultats des épreuves et une danse des mille. |
|
·
Semaine du Golfe |
|
|
Fête maritime se déroulant tous les deux ans avant
la semaine de l'Ascension dans les communes littorales du golfe du
Morbihan. |
|
|
·
Salon du livre en Bretagne76 |
|
|
En juin, le Salon du livre, créé en 2008, se situe dans les jardins des remparts. |
|
|
·
Fêtes historiques de Vannes |
|
|
Manifestation se déroulant à la mi-juillet et retraçant les
grandes périodes de l'histoire de la ville. |
|
|
·
Jazz en ville |
|
|
En juillet/août, le
festival de musique jazz créé
en 2016 est l’héritier de Jazz à Vannes (1980-2015),
il est organisé par la ville de Vannes. |
|
|
·
Fêtes d’Arvor |
|
|
En août, les Fêtes d’Arvor mettent
en avant la culture bretonne. |
|
|
·
Vannes Photos Festival77 |
|
|
Créé en 2003 sous la
forme d'un festival consacré aux photos maritimes, il s'ouvre à d'autre
thématiques et change de nom à partir de 2017. |
|
|
·
Jubilé de Saint Vincent Ferrier |
|
|
Pour marquer les
600 ans de la prédication de saint Vincent
Ferrier en Bretagne, l'évêque du diocèse de Vannes Mgr Centène a décidé
d'organiser un jubilé entre le 4 mars 2018 et au 5 avril 2019, date anniversaire de la mort du prédicateur dominicain à
Vannes78. |
|
|
Santé[modifier | modifier le code] |
|
|
Le Centre
hospitalier Bretagne Atlantique (hôpital P. Chubert) est situé Boulevard
Maurice Guillaudot à proximité de la gare, au nord. Il existe également
plusieurs cliniques dans l'agglomération, dont la Clinique Océane, rue Joseph
Audic. |
|
|
Sports[modifier | modifier le code] |
|
|
|
|
|
La ville est un des pôle de la Sailing
Valley bretonne, des navires de course
comme Groupama 4 y
sont construits. |
|
|
La pratique du
sport dans l'agglomération vannetaise est diversifiée. La situation de la
ville au bord du Golfe est propice aux activités nautiques, et attire
beaucoup d'entreprises liées à la Sailing Valley79. En outre, la
municipalité souhaite encourager sa population à pratiquer toutes les
disciplines grâce à l'existence de nombreux complexes sportifs. |
|
Les équipements
sportifs de la ville s'étendent sur 71 hectares dont
190 000 m2 de terrains gazonnés, 81 000 m2 de
plateaux d’EPS, 40 000 m2 de surfaces bâties, ainsi que des
équipements sportifs privés conventionnés : quatre terrains de football
(22 000 m2) et sept salles de sports (1 700 m2). |
|
|
Le Rugby club vannetais évolue
depuis la saison 2016-2017 en Pro D2, une grande première pour un club breton depuis l'avènement
du professionnalisme dans le rugby. |
|
|
Complexes polyvalents[modifier | modifier le code] |
|
|
·
Complexe UCK-NEF du
Bondon : |
|
|
L'association
UCK-NEF80, née
en 1922 de
la fusion de L'Union Clisson Korrigan (1906) et des Nouvelles Équipes Féminines (1946), est installée dans son
complexe omnisports de 3 300 m2 situé dans le quartier du Bondon au nord du centre
ville. L'UCK-NEF compte huit associations sportives fédérées et environ
1 300 licenciés. Parmi les huit associations se trouve une
section Volley-Ball qui propose des entraînements dans trois complexes
vannetais : UCK-NEF, Kercado et Richemont. L'équipe masculine du Vannes Volley-Ball, née en 2006 de la fusion de
l'UCK-NEF et du Véloce Vannetais, évolue la session 2008/2009 en National 3. |
|
·
Centre Sportif de Kercado : |
|
|
Plus grand
complexe sportif de Vannes, le Centre Sportif de Kercado est situé à l'ouest de la ville, accolé au lycée
Alain-René Lesage et au campus de Kercado (IUT de Vannes). Le complexe est
composé de trois salles de sports, une salle spécifique de gymnastique,
une salle d'armes,
un pas de tir à l'arc couvert, un terrain d'honneur de football, deux terrains
stabilisés, un terrain gazonné de football
en salle, une piste
d'athlétisme en résisport, une piste
d'athlétisme en enrobé, neuf courts de tennis extérieurs, un parcours sportif, cinq plateaux d'EPS, un
stand de tir à l'arc, un skatepark et une aire de lancer d'athlétisme. |
|
·
Complexes de Tennis : |
|
|
Il existe deux
grands complexes consacrés au tennis. D'une part, le complexe de tennis du Pargo, comportant cinq
courts couverts et deux courts extérieurs, qui est le siège du Tennis Club
Vannetais. D'autre part, le complexe de tennis de Kérizac/Ménimur comportant deux
courts couverts et deux courts extérieurs et dont le club résidant est le
Vannes Ménimur Tennis Club. |
|
Stades[modifier | modifier le code] |
|
|
|
|
|
Le Stade de la Rabine. |
|
|
·
Stade de la Rabine, Complexe Sportif du Perenno
et Stade du Foso |
|
|
Le Stade de la Rabine, plus grand
stade de football et de rugby de Vannes est le lieu des rencontres du Vannes Olympique Club, club fondé
en 1998 par
fusion du « Véloce Vannetais » et du « FC Vannes »
(ex-UCK) et évoluant pour la saison
2009-2010 en Ligue
2 après avoir fini Champion de France
de National lors
de la saison 2007-2008. Le Rugby Club Vannetais utilise aussi le Stade de la Rabine. Le complexe sportif du Pérenno, siège
du club situé sur la commune voisine de Theix, et le Stade du Foso, sont réservés aux entraînements des
joueurs professionnels ainsi qu'aux autres équipes du club. Le complexe du
Foso qui accueille l'équipe de football
américain des Mariners de Vannes, comporte
également une piste d'athlétisme en enrobé, trois plateaux d'EPS (basket-ball, handball et tennis), une structure
artificielle d'escalade ainsi
qu'un boulodrome. |
|
·
Stade Jo Courtel : |
|
|
Le complexe Jo
Courtel, composé d'un terrain d'honneur de rugby et de deux autres terrains
de rugby, accueille les matchs et les entraînements du Rugby Club Vannetais, club
de rugby à XV évoluant
pendant la saison 2007-2008 en Fédérale 1 et depuis la
saison 2016-2017 en ProD2. |
|
Autres installations[modifier | modifier le code] |
|
|
Autres
principales installations sportives de la ville de Vanness 7 |
|
|
Stades |
Gymnases, entretien physique |
Installations nautiques |
Divers |
|
|
·
Stade de Larmor-Gwened |
·
Gymnase Yvonne Sauvet |
·
Piscine Municipale de Kercado : |
·
Patinoire "Patinium" : |
|
|
·
Stade Michelin |
·
Salle Richemont |
Neptune Club Vannetais, nage
avec palme. |
Quartier du Bondon |
|
|
·
Stade de Kérizac/Ménimur |
·
Salle des Pompiers |
Cercle des Nageurs de Vannes, |
·
Ferme de Roscanvec : |
|
|
Complexes sportifs |
·
Salle de Boxe de la Ferme de Kérizac |
Association de Sauvetage |
Pas de tir et parcours de
chasse de tir à l'arc. |
|
|
·
Complexe de Bécel |
·
Gymnase Brizeux |
et Secourisme du Pays de
Vannes. |
·
Aérodrome du Pays de Vannes : |
|
|
·
Complexe de Kerniol - Saint-Exupéry |
·
Salle d'haltérophilie et de musculation |
·
Piscine Municipale "VanOcéa" |
Aéro-Club et Centre de
parachutisme sportif |
|
|
·
Complexe Sportif de Kerbiquette : |
·
Square de la Bourdonnaye : |
·
Piscine d’eau de mer de Conleau |
·
«Pointe des Émigrés» au Vincin : |
|
|
L'AS Cobra, club de Muay-thaï. |
Judo Club 56, club d'arts martiaux. |
· Port
de plaisance |
Parcours de santé |
|
|
|
|
·
Étang au Duc |
·
Vélodrome à Kermesquel |
|
|
|
|
·
Cercle d'Aviron de Vannes81 |
|
|
|
· |
|
|
|
|
Piscine VanOcéa. |
|
|
|
|
|
· |
|
|
Canoés de mer |
|
|
Événements sportifs[modifier | modifier le code] |
|
|
Athlétisme |
|
|
·
Semi-marathon Auray-Vannes82 : Créée
en 1975, cette
épreuve de course à pied se dispute sur route sur une distance de
21,1 km entre les villes d'Auray et de Vannes au mois de septembre. Ce semi-marathon est
labellisé international par la Fédération
française d'athlétisme. |
|
|
·
Ultra Marin Raid Golfe du Morbihan83 : Cet
événement créé en 2005 consiste à faire le tour complet du Golfe du Morbihan
soit 177 km en empruntant principalement des sentiers côtiers. Il
est organisé au mois de juin, il y a plusieurs courses84 : |
|
|
o le grand raid (177 km tour complet du Golfe avec
passage en bateau entre Locmariaquer et Arzon) |
|
|
o le raid (87 km) |
|
|
o le trail (56 km) |
|
|
o la ronde des douaniers (36 km) |
|
|
o la marche nordique (28 km) |
|
|
·
Marathon de Vannes85 : Créée en 2000, cette épreuve de course à
pied se dispute sur route sur une distance
de 42,195 km sur le territoire vannetais au mois d'octobre. Ce
marathon est labellisé national par la Fédération
française d'athlétisme. |
|
|
·
La Vannetaise : Cette course, créée en 2007, se dispute sur une
distance de 6 km. Épreuve réservée aux femmes, les bénéfices sont
intégralement versés à Faire Face Ensemble, association qui accompagne les
personnes atteintes du cancer et leurs proches. |
|
|
·
Trail des Remparts de Vannes86,87: Créées en 2010,
deux courses urbaines sur 7 km et 15 km sont organisées
le premier dimanche de juillet. De nombreuses animations pour les enfants
font de cette course un événement festif. |
|
|
·
Corrida vannetaise88 : Organisée le dernier dimanche de l'année par
l'association Courir Auray-Vannes, cette course festive de
8 km permet à de nombreux coureurs d'exhiber leurs déguisements. |
|
|
Aviron |
|
|
Le Cercle d'aviron de
Vannes organise chaque année depuis 2014 la Régate des Souris. Le départ et
l'arrivée sont fixés au pont de Kérino et le circuit contourne les îles Logoden par le Sud. |
|
|
Basket-ball |
|
|
Vannes accueille,
en juin 2013, des matchs du championnat d'Europe féminin.
Douze matchs de premier tour se déroulent au complexe sportif de Kercado. |
|
|
Cyclisme |
|
|
· La ville accueillit à de nombreuses reprise des étapes
du Tour de France.
Elle fut ville d'arrivée ou/et de départ à douze reprises : 1925, 1927, 1928, 1929, 1930, 1931, 1947, 1954, 1985, 1993, 2000 et 2015 ; ce qui fait de
Vannes, après Brest et Rennes, la ville bretonne où le tour a fait le plus de haltes. |
|
Équitation |
|
|
·
Jump du Golfe89: |
|
|
Concours indoor de saut d'obstacles créé
en 1999. La
compétition est classée Pro Élite, le plus haut niveau pour une compétition de ce type. |
|
|
Football |
|
|
La ville a
accueilli, au sein du stade de la Rabine, plusieurs manifestations dans le monde du football féminin.
Telle que la Coupe du monde de football
militaire féminine en 2016 ou encore la
finale de la Coupe de France féminine le 19 mai 2017, opposant le Paris Saint-Germain à l'Olympique lyonnais. La ville de
Vannes verra plusieurs matchs se dérouler chez elle, en août 2018, pendant
la Coupe du monde féminine de football U20 (match d'ouverture, demi-finales, match pour la 3e place et
finale). |
|
Nautisme |
|
|
·
Régate Vannes-les Açores-Vannes : |
|
|
Créée en 1988 à l'initiative de la
Société des Régates de Vannes, cette course de voiliers Pogo est organisée entre
Vannes et Horta.
Disparue depuis 1994 après trois éditions, la course à la voile renaît
en 2009 sur
un parcours aller-retour de 2 400 miles et une régate dans la baie
d'Horta, au cœur de l'archipel portugais. L'épreuve, initialement réservée
aux 6,50 m, est ouverte aux Pogo 8.50 et 10.50, et peut être disputée en
solo ou en double. |
|
·
Course-Croisière Vannes-Fareham : |
|
|
Course-croisière à la
voile entre Vannes et la ville de Fareham dans le comté d'Hampshire en Angleterre. Créée en 2001, cette course se déroule tous les deux ans dans le cadre du
jumelage entre les deux villes. |
|
|
Roller |
|
|
En 2013, 2014 et 2016, le
Vannes Roller Marathon a été organisé par l'association GROL Vannes Agglo [archive] sur un circuit urbain avec plusieurs courses (dont
semi-marathon et marathon). L'édition 2016 comptait pour la coupe de France
de Roller90 |
|
|
Rugby à XV |
|
|
Vannes accueille,
en juin 2013, le Championnat du monde junior. Les
matchs de la poule B, les demi-finales et finale se déroulent au stade de la Rabine. Vannes a en
outre accueilli le 18 mars 2016 dans le cadre du Tournoi des Six Nations 2016 le
match France - Angleterre des équipes
féminines ou encore le test match Fidji - Japon le 26 novembre 2016 au stade
de la Rabine. |
|
Divers |
|
|
·
Tournoi des Vénètes : |
|
|
Créées en 1988, ces joutes nautiques se déroulent
dans le port de plaisance où se confrontent les équipes des villes du Pays de Vannes. Les joutes sont
organisées par le Kiwanis Club de Vannes. |
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Médias[modifier | modifier le code] |
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Presse[modifier | modifier le code] |
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|
Outre la presse quotidienne nationale française, la presse de Vannes et sa région est représentée essentiellement
par les deux journaux quotidiens régionaux présents en Bretagne : Le Télégramme et Ouest-France. |
|
|
D'autres magazines
locaux permettent de suivre l'actualité généraliste ou régionaliste sur
papier ou via leur site internet : Mensuel du
Golfe du Morbihan, Bretagne Magazine... On peut
également citer « Vannes Mag », le magazine municipal vannetais,
ainsi que « Morbihan Magazine », le magazine du conseil général du Morbihan. L'Agence Bretagne Presse actif
sur tout le territoire breton, édite sur son site internet des publications qui proviennent
de diverses associations culturelles, de syndicats et de mouvements
politiques actifs en Bretagne (environ un millier de structures accréditées),
et d'un réseau de correspondants. « Le P'tit Zappeur », d'origine
vannetaise, est le 1er réseau français de magazines TV gratuits. |
|
En matière de presse
économique, on note la présence du mensuel Le Journal des
entreprises présent en Morbihan. |
|
|
Radios locales[modifier | modifier le code] |
|
|
La ville est couverte par des
antennes locales de radios : |
|
|
·
RMS sur 89.6
FM, la radio associative du sud du Morbihan |
|
|
·
RCF Sud Bretagne Vannes sur 90.2 FM, la radio chrétienne du Diocèse de Vannes. |
|
|
·
Virgin Radio Vannes sur 92.4 FM, elle émet le programme national de
Virgin Radio et des décrochages locaux. |
|
|
·
Radio Bro Gwened sur
94.8 FM, la radio associative de Pontivy qui propose des émissions en breton et d'autres en
français. Elle remplace la fréquence vannetaise de Radio Korrigans. |
|
|
·
Alouette sur
96.7 FM, la radio vendéenne émettant sur le Sud de la Bretagne91 ainsi que sur
les Pays de la Loire, une partie du Centre, le Poitou-Charentes et le Limousin92. Ses studios se
trouvent en Vendée, aux Herbiers. |
|
|
·
Radio Caroline sur
99.5 FM, elle est une radio locale commerciale émettant sur l'Armorique. Ses studios se
trouvent à Rennes,
sur l'avenue Chardonnet. |
|
|
·
France Bleu Armorique sur
101.3 FM, elle est la radio locale publique basée à Rennes. Elle bénéficie d'une
large couverture sur le Morbihan grâce à cette fréquence, qui émet depuis la tour
hertzienne TDF de Moustoir-Ac. |
|
|
·
Hit West Vannes sur
107.1 FM, elle est la radio régionale du Grand
Ouest français. Elle appartient au groupe Précom tout comme les régies
publicitaires de Virgin Radio en Bretagne et dans les Pays de la
Loire. |
|
|
·
Radio Korrigans est diffusée sur son site internet93. Elle diffusait ses
programmes sur le 94.8 FM jusqu'en 2006, année du non-renouvellement de son
autorisation d'émettre. |
|
|
· LaRG’ (La
Radio du Golfe), radio associative sur 89.2 FM94. |
|
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Télévisions locales[modifier | modifier le code] |
|
|
·
France 3 Bretagne est
présente sur Vannes et propose des éditions du 12/13 et du 19/20 en langue
bretonne. Elle est diffusée sur Vannes et tout le Morbihan grâce à la tour
hertzienne TDF du Moustoir-Ac. |
|
|
·
Enfin, la chaîne de télévision locale TébéSud (anciennement Ty Télé) diffuse
des émissions sur le Morbihan et un décrochage d'une heure par jour permet de
s'informer de la vie locale du bassin vannetais et du reste du département.
Elle est basée à Lorient. |
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Cultes et lieux de culte[modifier | modifier le code] |
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Culte catholique[modifier | modifier le code] |
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Articles
détaillés : Diocèse de Vannes, Liste des évêques de Vannes et Liste des édifices
religieux de Vannes. |
|
|
Vannes est le
siège du diocèse de Vannes depuis le ve siècle et rattachée à la province
ecclésiastique de Rennes. Le 29 novembre 1801, les diocèses bretons sont réorganisés. Le diocèse de Vannes
se voit rattaché une partie du diocèse de
Saint-Malo. L'évêque actuel est monseigneur Raymond Centène qui a choisi
de s'entourer de trois prêtres au service de la mise en œuvre du projet
diocésain pastoral et missionnaire dans le diocèse de Vannes pour les années
2009-2015c 1:
le père Maurice Roger, vicaire général; le père Jean-Pierre Penhouet, vicaire épiscopal chargé du
projet diocésain et délégué diocésain à l’apostolat des laïcs et le père
Gaétan Lucas, vicaire épiscopal chargé des prêtres, des diacres et des laïcs ayant une
lettre de mission. Il remplace à cette fonction monseigneur François-Mathurin Gourvès, évêque
de Vannes de 1991 à 2005. La ville compte 6 paroisses en 2009. Parmi les lieux de pèlerinage, les deux
principaux sont la cathédrale Saint-Pierrec 2 où repose le
tombeau de Saint Vincent Ferrier et l'Église Saint-Patern dédiée à l'un des saints fondateurs de Bretagnec 3 qui est une
étape du Tro Breiz.
Les églises Saint-Pie-X, Saint-Vincent-Ferrier, Saint-Guenc 4 et Notre-Dame-de-Lourdes sont les autres églises de Vannes, siège d'une paroisse
et fondée après le xixe siècle. |
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La Fraternité
Sacerdotale Saint Pie X dispose avec la chapelle Sainte-Anne d'un lieu
de culte à Vannes. |
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Protestantisme[modifier | modifier le code] |
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·
L'Église protestante
unie de France a une paroisse
« Vannes-Morbihan est »c 5. Les cultes hebdomadaires et cérémonies religieuses ont lieu
au temple de Vannes, situé entre l'hôtel de ville et le Palais des arts et des congrès. |
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Autres cultes[modifier | modifier le code] |
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·
Islam :
Actuellement, la ville dispose de deux salles de prières pour les fidèles
musulmans, un projet de mosquée est en coursc
6,c
7 |
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|
·
Judaïsme : La
ville ne possède pas de synagogue, les juifs de Vannes sont rattachés au rabbin de Nantes : Consistoire
israélite de Nantes. |
|
|
·
Bouddhisme : Le
Centre bouddhique zen Sōtō de Vannes est le plus grand centre bouddhique zen de
l'ouest de la Francec 8. |
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Langue bretonne[modifier | modifier le code] |
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Ya d'ar brezhoneg[modifier | modifier le code] |
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L’adhésion à la charte Ya d'ar
brezhoneg a été votée par le Conseil
municipal le 12 octobre 2007. |
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La commune a reçu le label de niveau 1 de la charte le 8
décembre 2007. |
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Enseignement[modifier | modifier le code] |
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|
À la rentrée 2018, 560 élèves étaient
scolarisés à Diwan et
dans les filières bilingues publiques et catholiques95. |
|
|
L'école Diwan scolarise
112 élèves à la rentrée 2018 en maternelle et primaire. Le collège Diwan accueille
129 collégiens en 2018. |
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Petite enfance[modifier | modifier le code] |
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La première crèche par immersion « Babigoù Breizh » a
été créée à Vannes en 2011. |
|
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Emglev Bro Gwened[modifier | modifier le code] |
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Emglev Bro Gwened |
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« L'Entente du pays de Vannes » regroupe
des associations culturelles bretonnes afin de pourvoir ensemble à la
défense, la promotion et la diffusion de la culture bretonne sous
toutes ses formes, y compris linguistique, de favoriser l’entraide, la
communication et la coopération entre ses adhérents. |
|
La « maison de pays » Ti
ar Vro est située rue de la Loi à Vannes et
rayonne sur le pays Vannetais. |
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Économie[modifier | modifier le code] |
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|
Si on l'estime en
termes d'emplois, l'économie du pays vannetais est surtout basée sur le tertiaire. L'industrie est essentiellement
un tissu de PMI, les secteurs les plus importants étant l'agroalimentaire (160 entreprises,
1 900 salariés), la production de produits intermédiaires (390 entreprises,
4 000 salariés) et le nautisme (80 entreprises, 500 emplois)s 8. Arrive ensuite
la construction et,
finalement, l'agriculture et les produits de la mer. La recherche est
essentiellement publique, via l'université de Bretagne-Sud, néanmoins quelques PME de recherche se sont développées
en biochimie (Archimex) et en informatique. La ville en tant que
préfecture du Morbihan abrite une multitude d'organismes économiques et
financiers. Elle est le siège de la Chambre
de métiers et de l'artisanat du Morbihan et
d'une délégation de la Chambre de commerce
et d'industrie du Morbihan. On peut citer le
Tribunal de commerce. L'économie locale bénéficie également du tourisme grâce
au Golfe du Morbihan et à ses monuments historiques. |
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Revenus de la population et
fiscalité[modifier | modifier le code] |
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|
Le revenu fiscal médian par ménage était
en 2006 de 17 564 €, ce qui place Vannes au 8 890e rang parmi les
30 687 communes de plus de 50 ménages en métropolei 16. En 2001, le revenu moyen étant de
16 679 €/an ce qui est légèrement supérieur à la moyenne
nationale de 15 027 €/ani 17,i 18. Au niveau de la fiscalité, on dénombre 435 Vannetais redevables de l'impôt sur la
fortune (ISF). L'impôt moyen sur la fortune à
Vannes est de 4 841 €/an contre 5 683 €/an pour
la moyenne nationale. Le patrimoine moyen des Vannetais redevables de l'ISF
est estimé à environ 1 414 111 €/an. |
|
Le taux de fiscalité
directe locale96 de
la commune pour l'année 2008 est le suivant. Ce taux regroupe le taux de la taxe d'habitation, le taux foncier
bâti, le taux non foncier bâti et le taux de la taxe professionnelle. |
|
|
Le taux de
la taxe d'habitation s'élève,
au niveau communal à 14,92 %, au niveau intercommunal à 0 %, et au
niveau départemental à 7,51 %. Le taux
foncier bâti se monte au niveau communal à
18,42 %, au niveau intercommunal à 0 %, au niveau départemental à
11,25 % et au niveau régional à 2,97 %. Le taux foncier non bâti se
chiffre, au niveau communal à 48,67 %, au niveau intercommunal à
0 %, au niveau départemental à 25,64 % et au niveau régional à
4,13 %. Pour ce qui est du taux de la taxe
professionnelle, au niveau communal à 0 %,
au niveau intercommunal à 15,56 %, au niveau départemental à 7,33 %
et au niveau régional à 3,13 %97. |
|
Pour l'année 2001, en comparaison de Rennes, à Vannes, 60 % des
revenus déclarés sont d'origine salariale contre 68 % à Rennes. Les
revenus des professions indépendantes ont un poids plus grand, comme les
retraites. Les cadres sont proportionnellement moins nombreux à Vannes qu'à
Rennes mais un peu plus d'ouvriers et surtout plus d'employés. Les artisans, commerçants, chefs d'entreprise et les retraités - aisés ou modestes - sont plus présentsi 17. |
|
Le quartier de
Tohannic dans le sud-est de la ville connaît le revenu médian le plus élevé
avec 20 600 €. Quatre autres quartiers, si l'on exclut les
quartiers peu peuplés, dépassent 17 000 € :
Bernus-Kergypt-Keruzen-Campen, Rive Gauche du Port, Trussac, Le Pargo-Bois de
Vincin. De l'autre côté de l'échelle des revenus, six quartiers n'atteignent
pas 13 000 € : Ménimur-1 et 2, Kercado-1 et 2, Caserne-Centre Hospitalier, Cliscouet. Les quartiers
de Ménimur-1 et Kercado-1 sont les plus défavorisés avec un revenu médian de
6 500 € seulementi 17. |
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Emploi[modifier | modifier le code] |
|
|
Au recensement de 2006, la ville comptait
39 812 emplois dont environ 92 % de salariés et 8 % de
non salariési 19. Ces emplois se répartissaient très majoritairement
(86,35 %) dans le secteur tertiairei 20 (administration,
enseignement, santé, commerce, services, transports, immobilier). Cette
répartition reflète le développement touristique de la station balnéaire. |
|
Répartition des
emplois par domaines d'activité |
|
|
|
|
Agriculture |
Industrie |
Construction |
Tertiaire |
dont Commerce |
dont Services |
|
|
Vannes |
0,69 % |
8,34 % |
4,62 % |
86,35 % |
13,7 % |
72,65 % |
|
|
Moyenne nationale |
3,51 % |
15,2 % |
6,4 % |
74,84 % |
13,3 % |
61,54 % |
|
|
Sources des données : INSEEi 21 |
|
|
La population
active comptait 23 824 personnes, soit un taux
d'activité de 67,9 %. Parmi celles-ci,
20 975 avait un emploi et 2 849 étaient en chômage, soit un taux d'emploi de 59,7 %
et un taux de chômage de 8,1 %i 22, inférieur de 0,2 point au taux national et supérieur de
1,3 points par rapport à la moyenne départementale égale à 6,8 %.
Parmi les personnes ayant un emploi, 68 % travaillaient dans la commune
et 27,1 % dans d'autres communes du département. Les transports
domicile-travail se faisaient très majoritairement (73,22 %) en voitures
particulières. |
|
Répartition des
emplois par catégories socioprofessionnelles |
|
|
|
|
Agriculteurs |
Artisans, commerçants, |
Cadres, professions |
Professions |
Employés |
Ouvriers |
|
|
chefs d'entreprise |
intellectuelles |
intermédiaires |
|
|
Vannes |
0,3 % |
4,3 % |
14,38 % |
29 % |
34,1 % |
17,9 % |
|
|
Moyenne nationale |
0,2 % |
5,9 % |
15,39 % |
24,6 % |
28,7 % |
23,17 % |
|
|
Sources des données : INSEEi 21 |
|
|
La technopole[modifier | modifier le code] |
|
|
La ville de Vannes
et son pays est une technopole représentée par la société VIPE (Vannes Innovation
Promotion Expansion). Quatre axes stratégiques de développement ont été
définis : la valorisation des produits naturels (technologies
d’extraction, de purification, de retraitement), le traitement de
l’information (création logicielle, systèmes de gestion logistique), la santé
et bien-être (télémédecine, instrumentation, produits de bien-être) ainsi que les
loisirs et le nautisme (engins de loisirs en milieu naturel, ingénierie
nautique). Les entreprises technopolitaines sont réparties sur l’ensemble du
territoire du Pays de Vannes mais tout particulièrement sur le Parc
d’Innovation Bretagne Sud (PIBS) épicentre du technopôle, situé au sud-est de
la ville. |
|
Vannes est
une ville internet98 et a obtenu le label @@@ en 200599, le label @@@@ en 2006100, puis le label @@@@@ depuis 2007101,102,103,104. Ce label récompense les villes les plus dynamiques en
matière de nouvelles technologies. La ville a également été primée deux fois
aux Trophées de la communication 2008105. Le concours
national « Les Trophées de la communication », organisé par
l’association Wexcom récompense chaque année les meilleurs outils, acteurs ou
actions de communication de l’année. Vannes concourait à ces Trophées 2008
dans deux catégories distinctes; elle se classe à la 3e place de ce
concours pour son site Internet et à la 2e pour le Vannes Mag, le bulletin d'information municipale de la ville. |
|
Démographie des entreprises[modifier | modifier le code] |
|
|
|
|
|
Brit Air, monocoque d'Armel Le Cléac'h construit
aux chantiers Multiplast. |
|
|
Le nombre total
d'entreprises et d'établissements, hors agriculture, au 31 décembre 2007 était de 4 551i 23 et 432 entreprises ont été créées en 2007. Ces entreprises
appartiennent très majoritairement aux secteurs « services »
(3 072 entreprises, soit 67,5 %) et « commerce et
réparations » (990 entreprises, soit 21,8 %). Les entreprises
sans personnel salarié, soit 2 136 entreprises, représentent
46,9 % du total. On dénombre 566 entreprises de plus de dix
salariési 23,
toutefois ces dernières emploient 83,75 % des salariés. Entre 1998 et
2004, le taux d'évolution du nombre de créations d'entreprises est de
28,5 %, soit le plus haut taux de la région Bretagne. |
|
Les trois
principales entreprises en chiffre d'affaires présentes sur la commune de
Vannes, agglomération incluse, sont le groupe CECAB avec un chiffre
d'affaires de 1,3 milliard d'euros en
2008, Evialis avec
un chiffre d'affaires de 758 millions d'euros en 2007106 et le groupe Diana Ingrédients avec un chiffre
d'affaires de 318 millions d'euros en 2008. L'association VIPE a défini
une liste d'entreprises qui forment la tête de proue de l'économie de
l'agglomération vannetaise107. On trouve parmi celles-ci Michelin, Groupama, Crédit agricole du Morbihan, Carrefour, Intermarché, les Transports
frigorifiques européens, Saupiquet, le groupe
Isatech, Wind River Systems, le groupe Saur, Aserti Electronic, Archimex, etc. |
|
Nautisme |
|
|
La présence du
secteur nautique est
très marquée à Vannes. Un pôle d'excellence dans la conception et la
construction nautique consacré à la compétition a été créé au sein du Parc du
Golfe, un parc d'activité situé sur la rive droite du port de la ville. Parmi les
entreprises implantées à Vannes, on peut noter la présence de Multiplast dont
plusieurs réalisations détiennent des records mondiaux à la voile : les
catamarans Orange I-II et Groupama III, le trimaran Géronimo, le monocoque Brit Air, etc. |
|
D'autres leaders
sont également présents à Vannes : Bic Sport, leader mondial de la planche à voile et du
surf ; Plasmor, leader français du kayak de mer (en procédure collective
depuis le 24 octobre 2018108) et Seagull, leader
mondial du char à voile. Vannes est également le siège français du plus grand
voilier au monde, North Sails, ainsi que de nombreux cabinets d'architectes
navals. Sur le Pays de Vannes, plus de 80 entreprises représentant près
de 500 emplois appartiennent au secteur du nautisme. |
|
Marchés et commerces[modifier | modifier le code] |
|
|
En semaine, deux
halles sont ouvertes au public : les Halles des Lices et la Halle aux
Poissons. Chaque mercredi et samedi a lieu un marché dans le centre-ville de
Vannes. Dans le quartier de Ménimur, un marché alimentaire a également lieu
le mardi et le vendredi matin. |
|
Halles des Lices |
|
|
Le bâtiment dans
lequel se situe les Halles des Lices date de 1912. Implanté sur le site de l’ancien hôtel de Rosmadec (xviie siècle), sa construction
avait alors suscité de vives réactions parmi les Vannetais. Il a été
restructuré au printemps 2001 pour offrir un meilleur cadre de travail aux
commerçants. Il était nécessaire qu'il soit mis en conformité avec les règles
sanitaires. |
|
Dans la rédaction
du cahier des charges d’appel à candidatures pour le projet architectural, le
conseil municipal a laissé une large place à la créativité et la possibilité
éventuelle de conservation des éléments anciens. Sur les 4 projets
réceptionnés, le jury de concours et le conseil ont retenu celui du cabinet
Peiffer, Freycenon, Plays. |
|
Culture locale et
patrimoine[modifier | modifier le code] |
|
|
Lieux et monuments[modifier | modifier le code] |
|
|
Article
détaillé : Monuments historiques à Vannes. |
|
|
Vannes est
classée Ville d'Art et d'Histoire et abrite de nombreux monuments et lieux culturels de premier ordre.
Des guides-conférenciers organisent des visites à la découverte de
l'intra-muros et du Vieux Vannes, de son patrimoine et de son histoire. L'agglomération vannetaise compte
trois édifices distingués par l’attribution du label patrimoine du xxe siècleNote 5. Vannes compte 272 monuments et objets classés ou inscrits à
l'inventaire des monuments historiques109. |
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La commune est une ville
fleurie ayant obtenu quatre fleurs en 2008110 et la distinction Grand
Prix au palmarès 2007 du concours des villes et villages fleuris et est détentrice de deux étoiles au guide Vert Michelin. |
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Patrimoine civil[modifier | modifier le code] |
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Patrimoine fortifié[modifier | modifier le code] |
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Les remparts vus des jardins. |
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Article
détaillé : Remparts de Vannes. |
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Les remparts de
Vannes sont le système de fortifications érigées entre les iiie et xviie siècles, sur des vestiges gallo-romains, pour protéger
la cité des pillards et des armées ennemies. Fondée par les Romains à la fin du ier siècle av. J.-C. sous
le règne d’Auguste,
la civitas Venetorum se voit contrainte
de se protéger derrière un castrum à la fin du iiie siècle, alors même qu'une crise majeure secoue l’empire romain. Cette première
enceinte demeure la seule protection de la cité pendant plus d’un millénaire.
C’est à l’époque du duc Jean IV, à la fin du xive siècle, que l’enceinte de la ville est réédifiée et étendue vers le
sud pour protéger les nouveaux quartiers. Le duc veut faire de Vannes non
seulement un lieu de résidence mais également une place forte sur laquelle il
peut s’appuyer en cas de conflit. La superficie de la ville intra-muros est
doublée et le duc adjoint à la nouvelle enceinte sa forteresse de l’Hermine. |
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Les guerres de la Ligue de la fin
du xvie siècle obligent la
ville à se doter de plusieurs bastions polygonaux (Gréguennic, Haute-Folie, Brozilay,
Notre-Dame). L’éperon de la Garenne est le dernier ouvrage défensif construit
à Vannes vers 1630.
À partir de 1670,
le roi Louis XIV vend morceau par morceau les éléments des remparts afin
de financer ses guerres. L'événement le plus significatif est, en 1697, le don à la ville de Vannes
des ruines du château de l'Hermine, qui servent alors au réaménagement
du port et
à l'entretien des bâtiments municipaux. |
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Les aménagements
urbains du xixe siècle ont pour
conséquence la démolition de plusieurs segments de la muraille nord et ouest.
Il faut attendre la destruction partielle en 1886 de la porte Prison, un des plus vieux accès à la vieille
ville, pour voir des vannetais attachés à leur patrimoine se réunir pour
former une association de défense du patrimoine en 1911. S’ensuit la mise en place
progressive de la protection des remparts au titre des monuments historiques entre 1912 et 1958. Depuis plusieurs décennies,
la ville entreprend la remise en état et la mise en valeur des parties des
remparts dont elle est propriétaire. Clé de voûte du patrimoine vannetais et
élément touristique par excellence, les remparts de Vannes comptent parmi les
rares fortifications urbaines qui subsistent encore en Bretagne. |
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Patrimoine médiéval[modifier | modifier le code] |
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Vannes et sa femme. |
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Enseigne Vannes et sa femme |
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Sur une maison à
colombages datant du xvie siècle ayant appartenu
à Gilles de Bretagne et inscrite monument historique111, à l'angle des rues
Noé et Pierre-René Rogue dans l'intra-muros, se trouve un des emblèmes de la
ville. L'enseigne Vannes et sa femme, surmontée des bustes d'un couple en
pierre peinte sans mains, est un des symboles de la ville dont on ne sait pas
l'origine. Cette sculpture pourrait être une enseigne commerciale,
probablement l'enseigne d'un cabaret. Cette enseigne joviale est voisine
du château Gaillard, hôtel particulier, ancien siège du Parlement de Bretagne et
aujourd'hui musée d'archéologie. |
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Maisons à pans de bois |
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La ville possède
un important patrimoine de maisons à pans de bois — près de 220112,113 — plaçant la ville au deuxième rang par leur nombre en
Bretagne, derrière Rennes114. Les plus anciennes de ces maisons à colombage datent
du xve siècle. Les plus
remarquables, du fait des couleurs employées, des décors et des
encorbellements, datent du xvie siècle. On retrouve ces maisons typiques dans l’intra-muros près de
la cathédrale ainsi que dans le quartier Saint-Patern et sur la rive droite du port. Les
rez-de-chaussées sont occupés depuis l’origine par des boutiques, ainsi on
retrouve certaines enseignes originales sur les murs de ces maisons colorées
au charme indéniable. |
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Place Henri-IV. |
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Intra Muros. |
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Rive droite du port. |
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Place Henri-IV. |
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Musée des Beaux-Arts La Cohue de Vannes |
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La tour polygonale du Château-Gaillard. |
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Musée des
Beaux-Arts de la ville depuis 1982, la Cohue, mot d'origine bretonne (coc'hug signifiant halles) utilisé au Moyen Âge pour désigner
les lieux de marché dans les villes, appartient au duc de Bretagne. Sa partie la plus
ancienne remonte au xiiie siècle et l'édifice est agrandi aux xive et xviie siècles. Situé
en plein cœur de la ville face à la cathédrale
Saint-Pierre, le lieu fut le siège du palais de
la justice ducale jusqu'en 1796. À partir de 1675, le parlement de Bretagne exilé à Vannes y tint séances. La Cohue accueille
les États de Bretagne à dix reprises de 1431 à 1703. En 1532, ce fut dans cet édifice que l'acte d'Union de la Bretagne à la France fut
signé. |
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Château-Gaillard |
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Construite
en 1410 par Jean
de Malestroit, évêque de Saint-Brieuc et de Nantes, chancelier de Jean V depuis 1408, cette demeure médiévale est rachetée en 1457 par le duc de Bretagne qui y
installe les États de Bretagne. C'est dans cette cour souveraine que les vassaux du duc votent les
impôts. En 1485, François II confie le
rôle des États dans les contentieux à une cour de justice, le Parlement de Bretagne qui
siège également à Vannes. |
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En 1554, alors que le Parlement
s'installe à Rennes, le roi de France Henri II vend l'Hôtel. Au xviie siècle, l'hôtel appartient à Pierre de Sérent, Président du Présidial de Vannes, qui
commandite la réalisation du cabinet des Pères
du désert composé de soixante-six panneaux
de bois représentant de tous les pays et de toutes les époques d'après des
gravures reproduisant l'œuvre du peintre Maarten
de Vos. En 1912, la Société polymathique du
Morbihan rachète le Château Gaillard et le
confie à la municipalité vannetaise en 2000 afin de créer un musée d'Histoire et d'Archéologie qui
permet la conservation et la présentation au public de ses collections. |
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Quartier Saint-Patern |
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Autre patrimoine civil[modifier | modifier le code] |
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Château de l'Hermine. |
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Jardin du Château de l'Hermine. |
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Château de l’Hermine (ou Hôtel Lagorce) |
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Le bâtiment actuel
date de 1785 et
n’a plus rien à voir avec la forteresse qu’évoque Bertrand d’Argentré dans
son Histoire de Bretagne de 1582. Le château tire son nom de la forteresse construite
entre 1380 et 1385 par le duc Jean IV afin de
renforcer l’enceinte de Vannes et y avoir une résidence. La forteresse est
adjointe de vastes dépendances où il crée un parc, le terrain s’étendant de
la Garenne à l’étang au Duc. Sous Louis XIII, le château à l’abandon est partiellement détruit et
c’est Louis XIV qui en fait donation à la ville de Vannes en 1697. Les pierres du château
servent alors aux réparations des bâtiments dont la ville avait la charge,
ainsi qu'à la construction des quais du port. La forteresse est pratiquement
en ruine lorsque la ville vend son emplacement et ses soubassements à Julien Lagorce,
un traiteur, qui en fait l’hôtel actuel. Par la suite, la demeure devint
successivement une école d’artillerie en 1874 puis le siège de la Trésorerie Générale jusqu’en 1974, date à laquelle la ville de
Vannes en fait l’acquisition pour y installer l’école de droit du Morbihan. Aujourd’hui, le Château
de l’Hermine est le siège de l’Institut culturel
de Bretagne. |
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Hôtel de ville |
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L'Hôtel de Ville, avec la statue du connétable
de Richemont par Arthur Le Duc. |
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Remplaçant une
mairie ancienne et en mauvais état, l'hôtel de ville de Vannes est un projet
du maire républicain Émile Burgault qui en 1847 établit les premiers fondements. C'est quarante ans plus
tard que celui-ci sera réalisé. Érigé sur la place du marché, cet hôtel de
ville voulu par les républicains après leur victoire sur les monarchistes
en 1878 est
le triomphe des idées républicaines. Bâti sur les plans de l'architecte Amand Charier, fils de Marius
Charier, l'hôtel de ville de style de la Renaissance
italienne est encadré par deux pavillons. Sa
façade principale s'orne d'un frontispice comportant une horloge, et, au
fronton, le blason de la ville. Un grand campanile à carillon le surmonte,
rappel du beffroi d'autrefois. La façade est particulièrement travaillée :
grands pilastres des pavillons et colonnes engagées, à chapiteaux
corinthiens, frontons alternativement triangulaires et cintrés, cartouches et
bustes, supports du frontispice, volutes. L'édifice est inauguré par le
ministre des Postes Félix Granet le 11 juillet 1886115, mais il coûte plus
de 800 000 francs soit deux fois le montant du devis initial fixé
en 1880. Ce
monument fait l’objet d’une inscription au titre des monuments historiques depuis
le 2 décembre 1992116. |
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La préfecture du Morbihan. |
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Hôtel et jardins de la Préfecture |
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Inaugurée le 23
août 1865 sous Napoléon III, la nouvelle
préfecture du Morbihan est construite par l'architecte départemental Émile Amé sur le site de
l'ancien couvent des jacobins tout près du quartier Saint-Patern. Cet
édifice, bâti sur un plan en U, s'apparente au style Louis XIII avec
son corps de 30 mètres de large. Le décor du fronton fait référence à
l'Empire (aigle impérial) et à l'histoire bretonne avec les représentations
de Nominoé,
comte de Vannes et d'Alain Barbe-Torte, deux héros de l'indépendance bretonne. |
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L'hôtel de la
préfecture est entouré d'un parc de cinq hectares. La plus grande partie est
composée d'un jardin à l'anglaise dessiné en 1862 par Louis-Sulpice Varé, architecte-paysagiste de Paris, auteur du bois de Boulogne. Placé en
contrebas de l'aile des archives, un jardin à la française de
5 000 m2 fut redessiné en 1975. |
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Hôtel et jardins de Limur |
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Cet Hôtel
particulier en forme de L, a sa façade principale sur la rue et une aile en
retour au sud. Un jardin à la française occupe les arrières de l'Hôtel. Il
fut construit vers 1685 par
Raymond le Doulx, chanoine de la cathédrale
de Vannes originaire de Bordeaux. À la Révolution, il est
saisi à Armand de Gouvello, parti en émigration, et, en 1795, l'hôtel de Limur est le
siège d'une commission militaire chargée de juger les prisonniers du Débarquement de Quiberon. L'hôtel
est ensuite la propriété de Mahé de Villeneuve, maire sous le Consulat et
l'Empire, puis de Joseph-François Danet, receveur général du département.
En 1820, la
ville projette d'en faire sa mairie mais le projet est avorté. Jusqu'en 1947, la famille de Limur demeure
dans l'Hôtel, date à laquelle la ville de Vannes en devient propriétaire. Le
musée des Beaux-Arts aujourd'hui situé à La
Cohue y emménage de 1955 à 1968.
Classé monument historique en 1993, l'Hôtel de Limur connaît une restauration
complète depuis 1996. Elle accueille entre ses murs des concerts et des
expositions. |
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Jardins des Remparts. |
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Remparts et jardin. |
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Tour du Connétable, remparts et jardins. |
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Lavoirs sur la Marle. |
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Ancienne mairie de Vannes. |
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Lavoirs de la Garenne sur la Marle |
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Ces lavoirs en galerie couverte ont été construits entre
1817 et 1821 et restaurés en 2006117. |
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Cimetière de Boismoreau |
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Plusieurs jardins sont à signaler : |
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Jardin de la Garenne |
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Jardin des remparts |
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Jardin de collection florale des Salines de Conleau |
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Patrimoine religieux[modifier | modifier le code] |
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Article
détaillé : Liste des édifices religieux de Vannes. |
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Cathédrale Basilique Saint-Pierre de Vannes. |
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Façade de la cathédrale. |
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Façade de la Cathédrale Basilique Saint-Pierre de Vannes. |
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La première
cathédrale de Vannes fut détruite en 919 lors des raids vikings en Bretagne. Une nouvelle cathédrale fut construite
vers 1020 par
l'évêque Judicaël et
son frère Geoffroi Ier, duc de Bretagne,
dans un style roman mais on ignore si c'est au même emplacement. Faite
de granit et
continuellement modifiée par l'addition de nouvelles structures, la
cathédrale est un édifice extrêmement composite. À la fin du xiie siècle ou au début
du xiiie siècle, les évêques Rouaud
et Guéthenoc réédifient une nouvelle cathédrale dont subsistent la base du
clocher et quelques pans du chœur. La reconstruction en style gothique, décidée par
l'évêque Yves de Pontsal, se fit aux xve et xvie siècles, entre 1454 et 1520. Elle fut rendue nécessaire du fait que l'ancien sanctuaire
était devenu trop petit pour faire face à l'affluence des pèlerins qui se
pressaient autour du tombeau de saint
Vincent Ferrier, mort à Vannes en 1419 et enterré dans le chœur
de la cathédrale. Elle est édifiée grâce aux offrandes des pèlerins venus se
recueillir sur le tombeau du saint que le pape Calixte III vient de
canoniser. De cette époque datent la nef, le transept et le porche du croisillon nord. Ce porche comprend, suivant la coutume bretonne,
douze niches destinées à recevoir les statues des douze apôtres. Au xvie siècle fût
également construite une chapelle ronde à étage, la chapelle du Saint-Sacrement, petit joyau
de style Renaissance, accolé à la façade nord du transept, au niveau de la
cinquième travée.
La tour nord est la principale structure héritée de l'ancienne construction
romane. Les voûtes et le chœur ne furent construits qu'au xviiie siècle entre 1771 et 1774. Enfin, la tour sud et la
façade occidentale avec son porche datent du milieu du xixe siècle. Ce monument fait
l’objet d’un classement au titre des monuments
historiques depuis le 30 octobre 1906118. |
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Église Saint-Patern |
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Clocher de l'église Saint Patern. |
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Tout comme pour
la Cathédrale de Vannes,
l'église Saint Patern fut
détruite au xe siècle lors des
invasions normandes en Bretagne. L'édifice est reconstruit au siècle suivant
et est pendant tout le Moyen Âge une importante étape de pèlerinage. Saint Patern, premier évêque
attesté de l'évêché de Vannes est un des sept saints
fondateurs de Bretagne. Ses reliques, conservées
à Vannes, attirent la foule des pèlerins du Tro
Breiz. Le pèlerinage crée de grands troubles dans
la ville au xive siècle. Le clergé de Saint
Patern et les chanoines de la cathédrale se disputent le droit de présenter
les reliques, de recevoir les vénérations, et donc les offrandes. Les fidèles
de la paroisse de Saint Patern défendent leurs droits contre les chanoines
aidés par des sergents du duc. Les paroissiens font le guet et s'enferment
dans l'église à l'arrivée des partisans des chanoines. Le clergé recommande
cependant aux fidèles de jeter les offrandes par les fenêtres de l'église.
L'affaire est réglée par l'intervention du clergé de Rome. Au xve siècle, le pèlerinage fut en
partie délaissé après le passage et la prédication de Saint Vincent Ferrier, qui fit de
l'ombre au saint fondateur. L'église romane fut victime des tempêtes en 1721-1726. L'édifice actuel a été reconstruit dès 1727 sur les plans de
l'architecte vannetais Olivier Delourme. Le grand escalier, la tour de granit et sa lanterne sont
commencés en 1769,
mais la flèche ne peut être achevée qu'en 1826. De janvier 2007 à mars 2008, l'église connaît une restauration complète dans le
style baroque d'origine :
toiture, charpente et voûte en lambris, enduits, étanchéité, installations
électriques, consolidation du clocher, réfection complète du dallage avec
intégration d'un plancher chauffant, ré-aménagement du chœur avec la pose
d'un ensemble de stalles de chœur en chêne massif sculpté datant de 1695, ayant été initialement
installées aux Carmes de Ploërmel, puis ayant transité par la chapelle des Ursulines de Saint-Pol-de-Léon119. |
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Chapelle Saint-Yves |
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Place de l'Hôtel de Ville et Chapelle Saint-Yves. |
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Inscrite aux
monuments historiques depuis le 29 septembre 1975, la chapelle, dépendant du collège Jules-Simon, fut
construite de 1661 à 1685 sur les plans du
frère Charles Turmel, architecte de la Compagnie
de Jésus. La chapelle est inspiré des modèles
baroques italiens et représentative du style jésuite de l'époque. Élevée
alors que la ville connaît un important essor religieux avec l'installation
de nombreuses communautés et la construction de couvents, maisons de retraite
ou chapelles, la chapelle Saint-Yves est édifiée sur un soubassement en
granit. Les deux niveaux sont coiffés d'un haut fronton, dans lequel est
gravé le monogramme des Jésuites IHS (Jesus
Hominum Salvator). Les volumes de cette chapelle
sont simples, une nef unique, un chœur réduit. Catherine de Francheville, mécène,
fait inscrire sur le linteau du portail Fundavit
eam Altissimus (C'est
le Très Haut qui a construit cette chapelle).
Le gouverneur de Vannes, Claude de Lannion, fait don de 3 000 livres
pour la confection d'un retable réalisé par le retablier nantais Jean Boffrand. Ce retable aux
colonnes de marbre noir à chapiteaux corinthiens est doté d'ailes dont les
niches sont meublées de deux statues. Le tableau au cœur du retable est
consacré au triomphe de saint Ignace de
Loyola. La chapelle est actuellement en cours de
réhabilitation120. |
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Port de plaisance[modifier | modifier le code] |
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Article détaillé : Port de
Vannes. |
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Rive gauche du port. |
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La nouvelle esplanade du port de Plaisance. |
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Afin de faciliter le traitement de l'information
sous une forme automatisée, on utilise pour Vannes la chaîne de caractères
codifiées VA, selon la liste des quartiers maritimes. |
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Le Corbeau des mers |
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Ce bateau dont le
nom fait référence au grand cormoran, est un navire de pêche de type caseyeur spécialisé dans le ramassage des langoustes. C'est un voilier en
bois de type sloop construit
en 1931 au
chantier Belbehoc'h de Crozon pour un patron-pêcheur de l'île
de Sein. Le Corbeau
des mers s'est rendu célèbre pour avoir
répondu, ainsi que le Rouanez-ar-Péoc'h et le Maris Stella, à l’appel du 18 juin 1940 du général De Gaulle. C'est ainsi que, le 26 juin 1940121, Pierre Couillandre
et vingt-sept Sénans s'embarquent pour l'Angleterre. Île-de-Sein recevra pour son
attitude durant cette période la médaille de
la libération122. En 1981, il est racheté par le Musée
de la résistance bretonne de Saint-Marcel123. Après sa restauration en 1987, il obtient son classement aux monuments historiques en 1991. Géré par une association loi de 1901, il
organise des voyages en mer dans un but éducatif. Son port d'attache reste
Vannes bien que son immatriculation soit alréenne (AY 1684). |
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Les Trois Frères |
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Ce bateau est
un sinago, dernier
bateau de pêche de ce type construit en 1943. Il appartient à l'association Les Amis du Sinagot124 de Vannes depuis 1985. Construit en 1943 au chantier Querrien au Bono, il a été lancé sous le nom
de Solveig. Le sinago est une chaloupe de pêche à deux mâts, appelé avant
chaloupe de Séné (commune
du golfe du Morbihan). Il porte deux voiles au tiers, couleur rouge brique. Sa
coque est en chêne, passée au coaltar. Il a subi une première restauration en 1988, au chantier Michelet à Conleau, et une seconde, en 1992, au chantier du Guip125 à l’île aux Moines. |
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Patrimoine culturel[modifier | modifier le code] |
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Langue et culture bretonne[modifier | modifier le code] |
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Pendant longtemps,
Vannes a été considérée comme étant une enclave française en terre bretonne. Aujourd'hui, la culture
bretonne s'exprime pleinement dans la cité. Lors de l'émigration des Bretons en
Armorique, Vannes constituait un îlot gallo-romain, qui influença localement
le breton par un petit nombre d'emprunts au roman. Par la suite, elle se bretonnisa à la fin du haut Moyen Âge
et demeura longtemps un bastion du breton alors que Saint-Brieuc par exemple, basculait au français et influençait
progressivement ses environs. |
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Le Bagad Melinerion évolue en première catégorie du championnat national des bagadoù. |
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Lors de la réouverture
du Palais des Arts, la
ville a symboliquement dénommé le théâtre : Théâtre Anne-de-Bretagne et
Vannes accueille également un bagad, le Bagad Melinerion (bagad de 1re catégorie). |
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Vannes est une
ville pionnière dans le renouveau de la culture bretonne. Ainsi, un
département de musique traditionnelle a été créé au sein du conservatoire et
le 8 décembre 2007, Vannes a signé la charte de
l’office public de la langue bretonne Ya d'ar brezhonegs 9. À la rentrée 2007, 1 137 enfants
étaient inscrits dans des écoles primaires bilingues de la commune126. |
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Musées[modifier | modifier le code] |
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Vannes dispose au
sein de son centre historique de deux musées classés musées de
France. Le musée d'archéologie du Morbihan, situé
dans un hôtel du xve siècle est installé dans l'ancien hôtel du Parlement de Bretagne dit
le Château-Gaillard. Ce musée consacré à l'histoire du Morbihan accueille les
collections de la Société polymathique du
Morbihan, collections remontant à la préhistoire.
Le musée est très riche en objets préhistoriques provenant, pour la plupart,
des premières fouilles des mégalithes du Morbihan : Carnac, Locmariaquer, presqu'île de Rhuys, qui permirent de mettre au jour de très belles pièces.
L'autre musée de la ville est la Cohue située en face de la Cathédrale
Saint-Pierre et présente des œuvres
d'horizons divers : peintures contemporaines, figuratives, d'artistes
bretons (notamment une collection d'œuvres de Geneviève
Asse127),
etc. |
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Théâtres et salles de spectacle[modifier | modifier le code] |
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Le principal
complexe accueillant les concerts, les salons et les congrès, se nomme
le Chorus. Situé sur un
terrain de six hectares au sein du parc du Golfe, un parc d'activité du
sud-ouest de la ville, le Chorus est un complexe pluri-fonctionnel. Un autre
complexe, l'Echonova, lieu de musiques actuelles de l'agglomération
vannetaise inauguré en 2010, est situé sur le territoire de la ville voisine de Saint-Avé128. |
|
Les concerts de
musique classique et de musiques du monde sont joués à l’auditorium
des Carmes, composante du conservatoire de
musique de Vanness 10 situé rive droite du port de plaisance. Les pièces
théâtrales, quant à elles, sont représentées au théâtre Anne de Bretagnes 11, théâtre localisé
dans le Palais des Arts et des Congrès. |
|
Enfin, Vannes accueille le siège de l'association
Motocultor Fest Prod, qui organise divers concerts à vannes même, et surtout
chaque mois d'août le Motocultor Festival dans des communes
limitrophes de Vannes (par manque de terrains disponibles sur la commune de
Vannes). |
|
|
Depuis 2016, Le Ker, un
parc à thème a ouvert. Ce musée se consacre à l'histoire bretonne à partir de
la Préhistoire et
jusqu'à la bataille des Vénètes qui opposa les Celtes aux armées de Jules
César129. |
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Cinéma[modifier | modifier le code] |
|
|
Le cinéma apparaît dès 1901 à Vannes. Les premières
projections des films produits par les frères
Lumières se font sous chapiteau ou bien
alors au théâtre de la Cohue et dans les locaux du patronage Saint-François qui
deviendra le cinéma de la Garenne. |
|
|
En 2009,
Vannes dispose de deux cinémas pour un total de quatorze salles de cinéma dont : |
|
|
·
le « cinéville
la Garenne » (12 Bis Rue Alexandre Le
Pontois), construit en 1925 (cinq salles) et classé cinéma
d'art et d'essai ; |
|
|
· le
« cinéville Parc-lann » (Rue Aristide Boucicaut), construit
en 2005 (neuf salles). |
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Histoire des cinémas vannetais |
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Façade conservée de l'Eden en 2010. |
|
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Le premier cinéma
vannetais est créé en 1922 par Robert Damilot, un décorateur parisien. Une
façade Art déco représentant
des motifs floraux et végétaux est réalisée et la capacité de l'ancienne
salle de Roller Skating est portée à 900 places. Le cinéma propose un
orchestre, un balcon et un promenoir. Racheté en 1966, le cinéma est rebaptisé
« Comédia »
puis « Universel ».
L'ouverture du Palais des Arts compromet un projet de programmation de
spectacles autres que cinématographiques. En 1981, le cinéma change de propriétaire et de nom pour devenir le
cinéma « l’Eden »p 2. Le bâtiment est
agrandi en hauteur et par l’arrière, il comporte trois salles de 225, 156 et
128 places. Le cinéma ferme ses portes en 2003 faisant place à un
complexe immobilier qui intègre la façade repeinte et entretenue. |
|
En 1925, l'abbé Guillaume, professeur
de dessin au collège Saint-François-Xavier, crée, dans l'ancienne salle de patronage Saint-François
proche du plateau de la Garenne face aux remparts, une salle de cinéma de
1 000 places décorée de panneaux évocateurs de sites et de
monuments du Morbihan peints par l'artiste vannetais Victor Guesde. En 1951, la salle connaît des
réaménagements devenus obligatoires mis en œuvre par l’architecte vannetais
Guy Claubert de Clery qui dessina les plans de l'église Saint-Pie X.
La Soredic,
propriétaire du cinéma en 1970, en fait un complexe de trois salles. Aujourd'hui, le « Cinéville La Garenne »p 3 comporte cinq
salles de 316 à 75 fauteuils. La Soredic, également propriétaire de
l'autre cinéma vannetais, a passé une convention avec la mairie de Vannes et
l’association Cin’écran afin de promouvoir la programmation d’Art et Essai. |
|
Le troisième
cinéma de la ville, « le Royal »p 4, fut construit en 1936 par Léonce Liets en place et lieu d'un garage, plus
anciennement des bains-douches privés créés en 1863 non loin de l'Hôtel de
Ville. La façade, très étroite, est habillée d'un oriel à deux niveaux, de
forme semi-circulaire correspondant aux parties privées. La salle à la façade
étroite surmontée d’un oriel de 500 places à deux étages se déploie en
arrière. Le « Royal » ferma ses portes le 23 octobre 2001, laissant place à une librairie. La salle est complètement
restructurée mais conserve sa face étroite en béton enduit. |
|
Le dernier et plus grand
cinéma vannetais est inauguré en 2005 dans la zone commerciale de Parc Lann au Nord-Ouest de
la ville. « Le cinéville Parc Lann », propriété du groupe Soredic, est un multiplexe de neuf salles. |
|
|
Une ville cinéphile |
|
|
Avec deux cinémas
en activité, dont un consacré aux films d'art et d'essais, Vannes est
attachée au septième Art. Avec en 2006, 494 000 entrées pour 52 000 habitants
(9,55 entrées/habitant130), 475 000 entrées pour 52 000 habitants
(9,19 entrées/habitant131) en 2007 et 530 000 entrées pour
53 000 habitants (10,02 entrées/habitant132) en 2008, les cinémas vannetais
occupent la tête du classement régional de la fréquentation des salles de
cinéma selon les études effectués par le Centre
National Cinématographique (CNC). La
fréquentation enregistrée a connu une hausse de 86,2 % entre 2005 et 2006, deuxième plus forte
progression sur le territoire national après Calais. |
|
Vannes est également le lieu d'un événement lié au septième
art : les « Rencontres du Cinéma européen », organisé par
l'association Cin'écran. |
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|
Personnalités liées à la
commune[modifier | modifier le code] |
|
|
Article
détaillé : Personnalités liées à Vannes. |
|
|
Héraldique, drapeau et logotype[modifier | modifier le code] |
|
|
Héraldique[modifier | modifier le code] |
|
|
Articles détaillés : Armorial
des communes du Morbihan et Blason de Vannes. |
|
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|
Les armes
de Vannes se blasonnent ainsi :
« De gueules à
l'hermine passante
d'argent, colletée et bouclée d'argent, cravatée d'hermine doublée d'or ». |
|
|
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À droite : Grandes armes de Vannes. |
|
|
Ce blason a été
enregistré à l'armorial général de France de 1696. L'hermine a été popularisée par le duc Jean IV qui baptisa de
ce nom le château qu'il
bâtit à Vannes et l'ordre de chevalerie qu'il fonda en 1381. C'est à Vannes que fut proclamée en 1532, devant le roi François Ier, l'Union de la Bretagne à la
France. |
|
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|
|
Porte Saint-Vincent. |
|
|
Ces armoiries sont
connues depuis le xve siècle. L'hermine et sa moucheture
typique est traditionnellement attribuée à la Bretagne, dont Vannes a été l'une des capitales. L'écu est timbré d'une couronne murale. La couronne murale à quatre
tours (anciennement à trois tours) rappelle que Vannes est la préfecture
du MorbihanNote
6. Les supports de l'écu, deux lévriers, rappellent ceux qui
furent offerts à François Ier lorsqu'il vint
à Vannes le 4 août 1532 pour le traité d'union
perpétuelle. Le lévrier est symbole de fidélité et de noblesse. |
|
La devise de la ville
est « Da'm Buhez », ce qui signifie « À ma vie », a comme
origine le duc Jean IV qui institua en 1381 l'ordre chevaleresque de
l'Hermine. Les chevaliers de l'Ordre portaient au
cou un collier auquel pendait une hermine au naturel qu'on voit dans le
blason de la ville. La devise qui était celle de l'Ordre, rappelle le fait
historique dont Vannes a été le théâtre. À
ma vie est également la devise des ducs de
la maison de Montfort. |
|
Drapeau[modifier | modifier le code] |
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|
Article
détaillé : Drapeau de Vannes. |
|
|
Drapeau de Vannes |
|
|
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|
|
Utilisation |
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|
Caractéristiques |
|
|
Proportions |
02:03 |
|
|
Adoption |
xxe siècle |
|
|
Éléments |
Hermine blanche sur fond rouge portant un manteau d'hermine |
|
|
|
|
|
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|
La ville utilise comme
drapeau sa bannière armoriée : une hermine
passante blanche sur fond rouge portant un manteau d'hermine. |
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|
Une différence est
notable entre le blason et le drapeau, en effet, l'hermine du drapeau est
bouclée et accolée de la jarretière flottante de Bretagne alors que l'hermine
du blason est cravatée d'hermine doublée d'or. |
|
|
Le fond rouge
symbolise le royaume du Broërec dont la capitale fut Vannes. Une miniature du xve siècle donne à ce
royaume du Moyen Âge un drapeau à la croix dentelée de rouge accompagnée
d'hermines d'où la couleur rouge du fond de ce drapeau. L'hermine au naturel est le
symbole de la Bretagne. À l'origine représentée sous la forme d'une moucheture, l'hermine est plus
rarement apposée sous sa forme naturelle. En Bretagne, il existe une multitude de villes utilisant des mouchetures
d'hermines en tant qu'éléments dans leur blason ou drapeau. Au contraire,
seules quelques-unes d'entre elles utilisent l'hermine au naturel comme
symbole. Les exemples les plus connus sont, à l'exception du blason et du
drapeau vannetais, le blason et drapeau malouin et le drapeau moderne de la province du Vannetais. La jarretière flottante
de Bretagne symbolise l'ordre de l'Hermine. |
|
Le drapeau de la
ville, bien que connu d'un grand nombre de Vannetais et de Bretons, n'est que
peu usité. On peut retrouver le drapeau de la ville à la place d'honneur
(gauche) sur le parvis de l'hôtel de ville à côté du Gwenn
ha du, du drapeau français et du drapeau
européen, sur le port de plaisance. |
|
Logotypes[modifier | modifier le code] |
|
|
|
Le logo de la mairie de Vannes
représente une hermine naturelle
placée sur deux bandes mouvantes, une bleu marine et l'autre de bronze.
Une moucheture d'hermine de bronze est située sur la bande du dessus et une
bleu-marine sur la bande du dessous. En dessous du nom de la ville est
apposée une phrase : Morbihan Capitale. |
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Notes et références[modifier | modifier le code] |
|
|
Notes[modifier | modifier le code] |
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|
1. ↑ Prononciation en français de France retranscrite phonémiquement selon la norme
API. |
|
|
2. ↑ Voir par exemple : Dom
Joseph Vaissète, Géographie
historique, ecclésiastique et civile, Paris,
1755, p. 503 ; Consulter en
ligne [archive]. |
|
|
3. ↑ Par convention
dans Wikipédia, le principe a été retenu de n’afficher dans le tableau des
recensements et le graphique, pour les populations légales postérieures à
1999, que les populations correspondant à une enquête exhaustive de
recensement pour les communes de moins de 10 000 habitants, et que
les populations des années 2006, 2011, 2016, etc. pour les communes de plus
de 10 000 habitants, ainsi que la dernière population légale
publiée par l’Insee pour l'ensemble des communes. |
|
4.
↑ Population municipale légale en vigueur au
1er janvier 2021, millésimée 2018, définie dans les limites
territoriales en vigueur au 1er janvier 2020, date de référence
statistique : 1er janvier 2018. |
|
|
5. ↑ Le label patrimoine du xxe siècle a été créé en 1999 par le Ministère de la
Culture et de la Communication. Il signale à
l’attention du public les édifices et ensembles urbains remarquables de ce
siècle en matière d’architecture - DRAC
Bretagne [archive] |
|
|
6. ↑ Note circulaire du ministère de la Culture du 12 juillet 2001 : Conseils pour la
création d'armoiries par des collectivités |
|
|
Références[modifier | modifier le code] |
|
|
·
Site de la mairie [archive] |
|
|
1. ↑ Communiqué du maire [archive]. |
|
|
2. ↑ Revenir plus haut en :a et b « http://www.mairie-vannes.fr/vannes-citoyenne/le-conseil-municipal/elus-vannetais/ »(Archive • Wikiwix • Archive.is • Google • Que faire ?) |
|
|
3. ↑ Vidéo surveillance [archive] |
|
|
4. ↑ Relations internationales [archive]. |
|
|
5. ↑ Enseignement primaire [archive] |
|
|
6. ↑ Études supérieures [archive] |
|
|
7. ↑ Installations sportives [archive]. |
|
|
8. ↑ Le tissu économique
vannetais [archive] |
|
|
9. ↑ Charte de l'Office de la
langue bretonne [archive] |
|
|
10. ↑ Page du Conservatoire de
musique [archive] |
|
|
11. ↑ Théâtre Anne de Bretagne [archive] |
|
|
·
Site du patrimoine de la région Bretagne [archive] |
|
|
1. ↑ Liste des Quartiers
vannetais [archive] |
|
|
2. ↑ « Cinéma L'Eden » [archive], sur Patrimoine de la région Bretagne |
|
|
3. ↑ « Cinéma La
Garenne » [archive], sur Patrimoine de la
région Bretagne |
|
|
4. ↑ « Cinéma Le
Royal » [archive], sur Patrimoine de la
région Bretagne |
|
|
·
Données INSEE [archive] : Démographie - Emploi - Économie - Logement |
|
|
1. ↑ Revenir plus haut en :a et b « Évolution et
structure de la population en 2016 - Aire urbaine de Vannes (055) » [archive], sur Institut national de la statistique et des études économiques (consulté le 24
décembre 2019) |
|
|
2. ↑ Revenir plus haut en :a et b « Populations légales
2016 - Commune de Vannes (56260) » [archive], sur Institut national de
la statistique et des études économiques (consulté le24 décembre 2019) |
|
|
3. ↑ Recensement 2008 -
Communauté d'Agglomération du Pays de Vannes [archive] |
|
|
4. ↑ Revenir plus haut en :a et b Recensement 2006 - Logements
par type, catégorie et nombre de pièces [archive]. |
|
|
5. ↑ Recensement 2006 -Logements
construits avant 2004 par type, catégorie et époque d'achèvement de la
construction [archive]. |
|
|
6. ↑ Recensement 2006 -
Résidences principales par type de logement, installations sanitaires et
statut d'occupation [archive]. |
|
|
7. ↑ Recensement 2006 -
Résidences principales par type de logement, statut d'occupation et mode de
chauffage [archive]. |
|
|
8. ↑ Recensement 2006 -
Résidences principales par type de logement, statut d'occupation et présence
d'un emplacement de stationnement [archive]. |
|
|
9. ↑ « Évolution et
structure de la population en 2016 - Unité urbaine de Vannes (56501) » [archive], sur Institut national de la statistique et des études économiques (consulté le 24
décembre 2019) |
|
|
10. ↑ « Évolution et
structure de la population en 2016 - Intercommunalité-Métropole de CA Golfe
du Morbihan - Vannes Agglomération (200067932) » [archive], sur Institut national de la statistique et des études économiques (consulté le24 décembre
2019) |
|
|
11. ↑ « Bretagne : la
population des communes au 1er janvier 2016 » [archive], sur Institut national de
la statistique et des études économiques, 27
décembre 2018 (consulté le 24 décembre
2019) |
|
|
12. ↑ « Population par sexe
et âge regroupé en 2006 - Commune de Vannes » [archive], sur Institut national de
la statistique et des études économiques (consulté le 24 décembre 2019) |
|
|
13. ↑ « Population par sexe
et âge regroupé en 2016 - Commune de Vannes » [archive], sur Institut national de
la statistique et des études économiques (consulté le 24 décembre 2019) |
|
|
14. ↑ « Population totale par
sexe, âge et nationalité » [archive], sur site de l'Insee, 2006 (consulté
le 8 octobre 2009) |
|
|
15. ↑ « Population totale par
catégorie socioprofessionnelle et nationalité » [archive], sur site de l'Insee, 2006 (consulté le 8 octobre 2009) |
|
|
16. ↑ « CC-Résumé
statistique/com,dep,zone empl » [archive], sur site de l'INSEE(consulté le 9 septembre 2009) |
|
|
17. ↑ Revenir plus haut en :a b et c Données INSEE synthétisées
par l'internaute.com [archive] |
|
|
18. ↑ Vannes, Des revenus élevés,
comme à Rennes, mais d'origine différente - Octant 99 [archive] |
|
|
19. ↑ Recensement 2006 - Emplois
au lieu de travail par sexe, âge, statut et temps de travail [archive] |
|
|
20. ↑ Recensement 2006 - Emplois
au lieu de travail par sexe, statut et secteur d'activité économique [archive] |
|
|
21. ↑ Revenir plus haut en :a et b Recensement 2006 - Emplois
au lieu de travail par sexe, catégorie socioprofessionnelle et secteur
d'activité économique [archive] |
|
|
22. ↑ « Recensement 2006 -
Population de 15 à 64 ans par type d'activité » [archive], sur recensement.insee.fr |
|
|
23. ↑ Revenir plus haut en :a et b « INSEE - Chiffres
clefs de la ville de Vannes » [archive], sur INSEE Statistiques
locales (consulté
le 11 octobre 2009) |
|
|
·
Cultes |
|
|
1. ↑ « Équipe
épiscopale » [archive], sur Diocèse de Vannes (consulté le10 octobre 2009) |
|
|
2. ↑ « Site internet » [archive], sur Paroisse St Pierre (consulté le10 octobre 2009) |
|
|
3. ↑ « Site internet » [archive], sur Paroisse St Patern (consulté le10 octobre 2009) |
|
|
4. ↑ « Site internet » [archive], sur Paroisse St Guen (consulté le10 octobre 2009) |
|
|
5. ↑ « Paroisse protestante
de Vannes » [archive], sur Église protestante
unie de France (consulté
le 10 octobre 2009)] |
|
|
6. ↑ « François Goulard
cherche un terrain pour implanter une mosquée » [archive], sur Mensuel du Golfe du Morbihan, 11
avril 2008(consulté le 9 octobre 2009) |
|
|
7. ↑ « A Menimur on prie
dans une cave faute de mieux » [archive], sur Ouest-France, 23 avril 2008 (consulté
le 9 octobre 2009) |
|
|
8. ↑ « Vannes, des
bouddhistes dans la ville » [archive], sur Le Télégramme, 30 décembre 2008 (consulté
le 10 octobre 2009) |
|
|
·
Autres |
|
|
1. ↑ « Vannes » [archive], sur PavillonBleu.org(consulté
le 2 septembre 2009). |
|
|
2. ↑ « Atlas Régional
Bretagne - Effectifs d'étudiants en 2017-2018 » [archive], sur Ministère de lʼEnseignement supérieur, de la Recherche
et de lʼInnovation (consulté le24 décembre 2019) |
|
|
3. ↑ La Géographie de Ptolémée, Localisation de la Gaule
lyonnaise, Livre II, Chapitre VII. |
|
|
4. ↑ « Annales de philosophie chrétienned’Augustin
Bonnetty, Volume 5 » [archive], sur Google Books (consulté le 2
septembre 9) |
|
|
5. ↑ Bernard Rio,
Vannes, Éditions Jean-Paul Gisserot, 2004, p. 7. |
|
|
6. ↑ « Vannes » [archive], sur Conseil national des Villes et Villages Fleuris (consulté le2 septembre 9) |
|
|
7. ↑ « Calcul de
l'orthodromie entre Vannes et Paris » [archive] (consulté le 8 octobre
2009) |
|
|
8. ↑ « Vannes à Paris » [archive], sur fr.mappy.com (consulté le 8 octobre 2009) |
|
|
9. ↑ Bernard
Rio, op. cit., p. 3. |
|
|
10. ↑ Golfe du Morbihan sur le
site Natura 2000 [archive] |
|
|
11. ↑ [1] [archive] |
|
|
12. ↑ Records climatologiques à
Vannes - lameteo.org [archive] |
|
|
13. ↑ TER Bretagne [archive]. |
|
|
14. ↑ « Vannes. Une réunion publique sur la pratique du
vélo », Ouest-France, 16 avril 2019 (lire en ligne [archive]). |
|
|
15. ↑ Site de l'Aéroport de Vannes [archive]. |
|
|
16. ↑ [2] [archive]. |
|
|
17. ↑https://www.breizhgo.bzh/sites/default/files/inline-files/carte_reseau_56.pdf [archive] |
|
|
18. ↑ Prix de l'immobilier à
Vannes [archive], Ouest-France, 8 avril 2008. |
|
|
19. ↑ Vannes-Golfe-Habitat [archive]. |
|
|
20. ↑ Bretagne Sud Habitat [archive]. |
|
|
21. ↑ Olivier Cléro, « Vannes. Une concertation sur
l'aménagement de la rive gauche », Ouest-France, 7 janvier 2017 (lire en ligne [archive]) |
|
|
22. ↑ « Vannes - Vannes. Ce
qui vous attend en 2019 » [archive], sur Le Telegramme, 2 janvier 2019 (consulté
le 7 mars 2019) |
|
|
23. ↑ Patrick CROGUENNEC, « Rive
gauche du port de Vannes. Le maire décide le report du projet » [archive], sur Ouest-France.fr, 25
septembre 2019 (consulté le 22 avril
2020) |
|
|
24. ↑ Histoire de Vannes et de sa
région, Privat, 1988, p. 9. |
|
|
25. ↑ Christine
Ferlampin-Acher, Denis Hüe, Lignes et lignages dans la littérature
arthurienne, Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2007, p. 155. |
|
|
26. ↑ « Résultats concernant
« Vannes » » [archive], sur la base KerOfis, Office public de la langue
bretonne (consulté
le18 juillet 2016). |
|
|
27. ↑ Pierre Merlat, Les
Vénètes d'Armorique, Éditions Archéologie en
Bretagne, 1981, p. 5. |
|
|
28. ↑ Jean
Huchet, « Tout savoir sur l'origine et la signification des noms de
villes et de lieux dans l'ouest », Dimanche
Ouest-France, 2007, p. 12. |
|
|
29. ↑ Gwennolé Le Menn, Jehan
Lagadeuc, Le vocabulaire breton du Catholicon (1499),
Skol, 2001, p. 90. |
|
|
30. ↑ Émile Souvestre, Le
Foyer breton : contes et récits populaires, Volumes
1-2, p. 46, 1858. |
|
|
31. ↑ Yann Brekilien, Nous partons pour la
Bretagne, Presses universitaires de
France, 1980, p. 237. |
|
|
32. ↑ Jean Markale, La grande épopée des
Celtes, Pygmalion, 1998, p. 57. |
|
|
33. ↑ Henry,
Victor, Lexique Étymologique des termes les plus usuels du Breton
Moderne, Faculté des Lettres de Rennes, Rennes, 1900. |
|
|
34. ↑ Xavier
Delamarre, Dictionnaire de la langue gauloise, éditions Errance,
2003, p. 311-312. |
|
|
35. ↑ « Il [Louis] marcha de
sa personne en Bretagne avec une armée considérable, et tint à Vannes
l'assemblée générale de la nation. Entrant ensuite dans la province dont il
vient d'être parlé, il prit toutes les places fortes des rebelles, et se
rendit bientôt maître sans beaucoup de fatigue du pays entier. Après en effet
que Morman qui s'y était arrogé l'autorité royale au mépris de l'usage
constant des Bretons, eut été tué par les troupes de l'empereur il ne se
trouva plus un seul Breton qui résistât, ou qui refusât soit d'obéir aux
ordres qu'il recevait, soit de fournir les otages qu'on exigeait de
lui » — Annales d'Éginhard, (Année 818) |
|
36. ↑ Bernard Rio, op.
cit., p. 24. |
|
|
37. ↑ Campagne pour les élections
municipales de 1983 - INA [archive]. |
|
|
38. ↑ Résultats des élections législatives 2012 indexés sur le
site officiel du Ministère de l'intérieur [archive]. |
|
|
39. ↑ « Tous les jeux de
données de 1965 à 2012 au format XLS en une archive » [archive] [xls],
sur data.gouv.fr (consulté le 11 mars 2020) |
|
|
40. ↑ « Résultats de
l'élection présidentielle de 1995 dans la commune de : Lorient » [archive], sur www.politiquemania.com (consulté le10 mars 2020) |
|
|
41. ↑ « Résultats de
l'élection présidentielle 2002 » [archive], sur interieur.gouv.fr (consulté le 10 mars
2020) |
|
|
42. ↑ « Résultats de
l'élection présidentielle 2007 » [archive], sur interieur.gouv.fr (consulté le 10 mars
2020) |
|
|
43. ↑ « Résultats de
l'élection présidentielle 2012 » [archive], sur interieur.gouv.fr (consulté le 10 mars
2020) |
|
|
44. ↑ « Résultats de
l'élection présidentielle 2017 » [archive], sur interieur.gouv.fr (consulté le 10 mars
2020) |
|
|
45. ↑ « Portrait : François Goulard », L'Obs, 3 juin
2005 (lire en
ligne [archive]). |
|
|
46. ↑ « Municipales
2020 : David Robo réélu maire de Vannes, 13 adjoints à ses côtés » [archive], sur Actu.fr, 26 mai 2020 (consulté le26 mai 2020) |
|
|
47. ↑ « David Robo, maire de Vannes, quitte Les
Républicains », Ouest-France, 1er septembre 2017 (lire en ligne [archive]). |
|
|
48. ↑ Fédération des maires des
villes moyennes [archive]. |
|
|
49. ↑ Vannes Projet Citoyens [archive]. |
|
|
50. ↑ Résultats sur le website de
France 3 [archive]. |
|
|
51. ↑ « Résultats municipales
2020 à Vannes » [archive], sur Le Monde.fr (consulté le 9 mai
2020) |
|
|
52. ↑ « Municipales
2020 : David Robo réélu maire de Vannes, 13 adjoints à ses côtés » [archive], sur actu.fr (consulté le 6 juillet 2020) |
|
|
53. ↑ « Elections municipales
à Municipales Vannes » [archive], sur Le Télégramme(consulté le 6 juillet 2020) |
|
|
54. ↑ Préfecture du Morbihan [archive]. |
|
|
55. ↑ Conseil général du Morbihan [archive]. |
|
|
56. ↑ Barreau de Vannes [archive]. |
|
|
57. ↑ Chambre des notaires du
Morbihan [archive]. |
|
|
58. ↑ Chambre de métiers de
l’artisanat de Vannes [archive]. |
|
|
59. ↑ Chambre de commerce et
d'industrie du Morbihan [archive]. |
|
|
60. ↑ Village de la justice [archive]. |
|
|
61. ↑ [PDF] Où vit-on le
mieux ?, Classement Le Point, 27 janvier 2005 - Comparatif 2001-2003 [archive]. |
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62. ↑ Délinquance : Ma ville
est-elle dangereuse ?, Classement Le
Point, 2006 - Comparatif 2003-2006 [archive]. |
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|
63. ↑ [PDF]Classement Le Point, 2008 - Comparatif
2003-2008 [archive]. |
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|
64. ↑ Gendarmerie du Morbihan [archive]. |
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|
65. ↑ Départementale de la
Sécurité Publique du Morbihan [archive]. |
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|
66. ↑ sdis56.fr [archive]. |
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|
67. ↑ « Vidéo surveillance,
une certaine idée de la ville. » [archive], sur site de Vannes Projet
Citoyens, 17 avril 2009 (consulté le15 février 2011) |
|
|
68. ↑ « Deux nouvelles
caméras à Kercado » [archive], sur Le Télégramme, 24 février 2011 (consulté le 28 février 2011) |
|
|
69. ↑ « Aucune atteinte aux
libertés en 2009 » [archive], sur Ouest-France., 10 juillet 2010 (consulté
le 15 février 2011) |
|
|
70. ↑ L'organisation du
recensement [archive], sur insee.fr. |
|
|
71. ↑ Des villages de Cassini aux
communes d'aujourd'hui [archive] sur le site de l'École des
hautes études en sciences sociales. |
|
|
72. ↑ Fiches Insee - Populations légales de la commune pour
les années 2006 [archive], 2007 [archive], 2008 [archive], 2009 [archive], 2010 [archive], 2011 [archive], 2012 [archive], 2013 [archive], 2014 [archive], 2015 [archive], 2016 [archive], 2017 [archive] et 2018 [archive]. |
|
|
73. ↑ Association culturelle des
turcs de l’ouest - Vannes [archive] |
|
|
74. ↑ L’Éveil du boucan [archive] |
|
|
75. ↑ Kendalc'h [archive] |
|
|
76. ↑ Livres en Bretagne [archive] |
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|
77. ↑ Festival la mer en images [archive] |
|
|
78. ↑ « Vannes - Vannes-2019.
Saint-Vincent Ferrier : l’année du jubilé » [archive], sur Le Telegramme, 1er janvier
2019 (consulté le7 mars 2019) |
|
|
79. ↑ « Voile: en Bretagne,
la Sailing Valley affiche sa soif de conquête » [archive], dans Le Point, le 22 octobre 2018,
consulté sur www.lepoint.fr le 14 mai 2020 |
|
|
80. ↑ UCK-NEF [archive] |
|
|
81. ↑ http://www [archive].aviron-vannes.fr/ |
|
|
82. ↑ Semi-Marathon Auray-Vannes [archive] |
|
|
83. ↑ [3] [archive] |
|
|
84. ↑ « Présentation de
l'Ultra Marin » [archive], sur http://www.raid-golfe-morbihan.org/ [archive] (consulté le10 février 2015) |
|
|
85. ↑ Marathon de Vannes [archive] |
|
|
86. ↑ Trail de Vannes [archive] |
|
|
87. ↑ « Vannes. Record de
participation au trail des remparts » [archive], sur Le Telegramme, 24 juin 2018 (consulté
le 17 décembre 2018) |
|
|
88. ↑ Auray-Vannes [archive] |
|
|
89. ↑ Jump du Golfe [archive] |
|
|
90. ↑ « Les courses de
roller, reines du bitume vannetais » [archive], sur Ouest-France.fr(consulté le 13 avril 2016) |
|
|
91. ↑ Elle est également présente dans le Finistèresur Morlaix (101.2 FM) et Landivisiau (88.6 FM) grâce
au rachat de Tempo la radio, radio locale d'Henvic. Elle émet depuis sous le nom "Tempo programme
Alouette" et propose des décrochages locaux spécialement pour ses
auditeurs finistériens. |
|
|
92. ↑ Elle a
racheté Magic la Radio en mai 2013. Elle émet aujourd'hui sous le nom
"Magic Programme Alouette" et propose du contenu spécifique sur les
fréquences limousines. |
|
|
93. ↑ radiokorrigans.fr [archive] |
|
|
94. ↑ site de la LaRG’ [archive] |
|
|
95. ↑ http://www.opab-oplb.org/98-kelenn.htm [archive] |
|
|
96. ↑ Données fiscales publiées par le Ministère du budget, des comptes publics et de la fonction
publique [archive] « Copie archivée »(version
du 23 avril 2009 sur l'Internet Archive) |
|
|
97. ↑ Délibérations taux applicables dans les collectivités
territoriales en 2008 - Ministère du budget,
des comptes publics et de la fonction publique [archive] |
|
|
98. ↑ Label Ville Internet [archive] |
|
|
99. ↑ « Palmarès 2005 » [archive], sur www.villes-internet.net (consulté le 8 octobre 2009) |
|
|
100.↑ « Palmarès 2006 » [archive], sur www.villes-internet.net (consulté le 8 octobre
2009) |
|
|
101.↑ « Palmarès 2007 » [archive], sur www.villes-internet.net (consulté le 8 octobre
2009) |
|
|
102.↑ « Palmarès 2008 » [archive], sur www.villes-internet.net (consulté le 8 octobre
2009) |
|
|
103.↑ « Palmarès 2009/2010 »(Archive • Wikiwix •Archive.is • Google • Que faire ?), sur www.villes-internet.net (consulté le 17
décembre 2009) |
|
|
104.↑ « Palmarès 2011 » [archive], sur www.villes-internet.net (consulté le 16 janvier
2011) |
|
|
105.↑ « Palmarès 2008 » [archive], sur www.trophees-communication.com (consulté le16 janvier 2011) |
|
|
106.↑ « CA Evialis - exercice 2007 » [archive], sur Evialis (consulté le 11 octobre 2009) |
|
|
107.↑ « Liste des entreprises leaders » [archive], sur vip-expansion.fr (consulté le11 octobre 2009) |
|
|
108.↑ « "P L A S M O R" à THEIX-NOYALO (331996660),
CA, bilan, KBIS - Infogreffe » [archive], sur www.infogreffe.fr(consulté le 11 juin 2019) |
|
|
109.↑ « Œuvres à Vannes » [archive], sur base Mérimée du
ministère de la culture et de la communication (consulté le 13 octobre 2009) |
|
|
110.↑ « Palmarès 2008 » [archive], sur Conseil National des
Villes et Villages Fleuris (consulté le8 octobre 2009) |
|
|
111.↑ Notice no PA00091793 [archive], base Mérimée, ministère français de la
Culture |
|
|
112.↑ Cinq siècles de pans de bois à Vannes, Vannes, Les amis de Vannes, coll. « Bulletin
des Amis de Vannes / Hors-série no 4 », décembre 2012, 112 p. (ISSN 0395-4293), « Inventaire des maisons en pans de bois de Vannes
réalisé d'avril à juin 2011 », p. 103-107 |
|
|
113.↑ « À Vannes, on recense 220 maisons en pans de bois » [archive], sur www.ouest-france.fr, 11
janvier 2013 (consulté le 13 janvier
2013) |
|
|
114.↑ « Maisons à pans-de-bois, patrimoine emblématique » [archive], sur Office de Tourisme (consulté le 18 août 2020) |
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|
115.↑ Centenaire de l'hôtel de ville de Vannes, Rennes Soir - FR3
Bretagne - 10/07/1986 [archive] |
|
|
116.↑ Notice no PA00091814 [archive], base Mérimée, ministère français de la
Culture |
|
|
117.↑ « Les lavoirs de la Garenne » [archive], sur Mairie de Vannes |
|
|
118.↑ Notice no PA00091772 [archive], base Mérimée, ministère français de la
Culture |
|
|
119.↑ « Les stalles
vont être restaurées », Le Télégrame, 12 septembre 2009 (lire en ligne [archive]) |
|
|
120.↑ Augustin
Bordet, « Vannes. La rénocation de la Chapelle Saint-Yves se
poursuit », Ouest-France, 26 janvier 2018 (lire en ligne [archive]) |
|
|
121.↑ Événements du mois de juin 1940 à l'île de Sein [archive]. |
|
|
122.↑ Île-de-Sein, Compagnon de la Libération par décret du 1er janvier 1946 [archive]. |
|
|
123.↑ « Musée de la résistance
bretonne »(Archive •Wikiwix • Archive.is • Google • Que faire ?). |
|
|
124.↑ site officiel des Amis du
Sinagot [archive]. |
|
|
125.↑ Chantier du Guip [archive]. |
|
|
126.↑ (fr) Office
de la langue bretonne, Situation de
l’enseignement bilingue en Bretagne en 2008,
octobre 2008, disponible en ligne [4] [archive], consulté le 16
janvier 2009 |
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|
127.↑ « Musée des beaux arts, collection d'art moderne » [archive] (consulté le10 février 2015) |
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|
128.↑ L'Echonova [archive] |
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|
129.↑ « Le Ker Article du Parisien » [archive], sur www.le-ker.bzh (consulté le 19 avril 2017) |
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|
130.↑ « Géographie du cinéma en 2006, Le dossier # 304/Octobre
2007 » [archive], sur Centre National
Cinématographique |
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131.↑ « Géographie du cinéma, Le dossier # 308/Septembre
2008 » [archive], sur Centre National
Cinématographique |
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|
132.↑ « Géographie du cinéma, Le dossier # 312/Septembre
2009 » [archive], sur Centre National
Cinématographique |
|
|
Voir aussi[modifier | modifier le code] |
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Sur les autres
projets Wikimedia : |
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·
Vannes, sur Wikimedia Commons |
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·
Vannes, sur le Wiktionnaire |
|
|
Bibliographie[modifier | modifier le code] |
|
|
·
Pierre Thomas-Lacroix, Vannes, Van Oest, 1949 |
|
|
·
Tal Houarn, Aimer
Vannes et le Golfe, Ouest-France, 1988 |
|
|
·
Le Goff T.J.A., Vannes
et sa région, Ville et campagne dans la France du xviiie siècle, Yves Salmon Éditeur, 1989 |
|
|
·
Bas, P. Le, A. Guilbert, L'abbé J.-J. Bourrasse,
P. De Courcy, Ch.-F. Aubert, Mme De Lalaing, P. Joanne, Vannes
son histoire et son port, Éditions Du Bastion,
1992 |
|
|
·
Olivier Furon, Vannes, Éditions Alan Sutton, 1995 |
|
|
·
Revue Pays De
Bretagne, 1996, no 7, Vannes, une ville d'histoire en quête d'avenir, Éditions Freeway |
|
|
·
Olivier Gilleron., Vannes, Le Téméraire, 1997 |
|
|
·
Yvon Boëlle, Vannes
et Le Golfe Du Morbihan, Ouest-France, 1998 |
|
|
·
Hélène Martin-Le Guen, Vannes Golfe Du Morbihan,
Éditions Déclics, 2002 |
|
|
·
Armand Fleuriot, Regards sur Vannes & Le Golfe Du Morbihan, Coiffard Édition, 2003 |
|
|
·
Bernard Rio, Vannes, Éditions Jean-Paul Gisserot, 2004 |
|
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·
Michel Dugué, Vannes,
Pour Mémoire, Éditions Apogée, 2004 |
|
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·
Bertrand Frélaut, Histoire de Vannes, Éditions
Jean-Paul Gisserot, 2005 |
|
|
|
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·
Christian Chaudré, Vannes - Histoire Et Géographie Contemporaine , Éditions Palantines, 2006 |
|
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·
Sous la direction de Jean-Marie Pérouse de
Montclos - Guide du patrimoine. Bretagne -Monum. Éditions du patrimoine - Paris - 2002 - (ISBN 978-2-85822-728-0) |
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| :
document utilisé comme source pour la rédaction de cet article. |
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Articles connexes[modifier | modifier le code] |
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·
Siège de Vannes |
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·
Liste des communes du Morbihan |
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Liens externes[modifier | modifier le code] |
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(fr)(br)(en)(es)(de) Site de la mairie [archive] |
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·
Notices d'autorité |
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o
Fichier d’autorité international virtuel |
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o Bibliothèque nationale de France (données) |
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o
Système universitaire de documentation |
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o Bibliothèque du Congrès |
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o
Gemeinsame Normdatei |
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o Bibliothèque nationale d’Israël |
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o WorldCat Id |
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o WorldCat |
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·
Ressource relative à la géographie |
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o Insee (communes) [archive] |
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